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Endocentric Structuring of Projection-free Syntax.

By: Series: Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics TodayPublisher: Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2014Copyright date: ©2014Description: 1 online resource (280 pages)Content type:
  • text
Media type:
  • computer
Carrier type:
  • online resource
ISBN:
  • 9789027269621
Subject(s): Genre/Form: Additional physical formats: Print version:: Endocentric Structuring of Projection-free SyntaxDDC classification:
  • 415
LOC classification:
  • P291 -- .N28 2014eb
Online resources:
Contents:
Endocentric Structuring of Projection-free Syntax -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- List of abbreviations -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Preface -- 2. Bare phrase structure and cyclic derivation by phase, in light of Minimal Computation -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Towards fuller exploration of bare phrase structure -- 2.2.1 Disentangling compositional structure, labeling, and linear order -- 2.2.2 Merge, inclusiveness, and the no-tampering condition -- 2.2.3 Restricting the generative capacity -- 2.3 Transfer: Compounding Interpret and Spell-Out -- 2.4 Copy-identification and derivational simultaneity -- 2.4.1 The bifurcation of external and internal merge -- 2.4.2 Derivational simultaneity of Value/Agree and Transfer -- 2.5 Defining phases -- 2.5.1 The edge and interior of phases -- 2.5.2 Phase convergence redux -- 2.5.3 Rationale for unvalued/uninterpretable features -- 2.6 Eliminating the Merge-over-Move stipulation along with numeration and lexical (sub-)arrays -- 2.7 Copy-identification as part of Transfer -- 2.8 Head-movement in bare phrase structure -- 2.9 Concluding remarks -- 3. Minimal head detection in projection-free syntax -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Label = projection = endocentricity? -- 3.3 Why endocentricity? -- 3.4 The Endocentric Structuring Constraint (ESC) -- 3.4.1 Excluding exocentric "XP-YP" merger -- 3.4.2 Internal merge and endocentricity -- 3.4.2.1 No XP-YP Internal Merger -- 3.4.2.2 A-movement and K(ase) -- 3.4.2.3 A′-movement: Extending Cable's eliminative approach to pied-piping -- 3.4.2.4 Eliminating the EPP-feature -- 3.4.2.5 Approximating the duality of semantics -- 3.5 The ESC and the typology of movement -- 3.5.1 Deriving the complementarity of phrasal vs. head-movement -- 3.5.2 On the phasehood of vP -- 3.6 The ESC and the Condition on Extraction Domain (CED) -- 3.6.1 Freezing effects.
3.6.2 *{t, t} -- 3.6.3 Subject condition effects and beyond -- 3.6.4 Adjunct condition effects and beyond -- 3.6.5 The Phrasal Sister Condition -- 3.6.6 Locality beyond lexicalism and barrierhood -- 3.7 Further consequences on the problem of learnability -- 3.8 Concluding remarks -- 4. Cyclic Spell-Out of projection-free syntax -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Eradicating the LCA from the ESC -- 4.2.1 Uriagereka's LCA-based ESC -- 4.2.2 The irrelevance of the LCA to the CED effect -- 4.2.3 Sheehan's projection-based resuscitation of Uriagereka's LCA -- 4.2.4 Conclusion: The LCA has no place in projection-free syntax -- 4.3 Eradicating antisymmetry from the ESC -- 4.3.1 Independence of antisymmetry and the LCA -- 4.3.2 Kayne's (2011) LCA-free but still antisymmetric ESC -- 4.3.3 Antisymmetry and cartography in the pursuit of biological adequacy -- 4.4 MHD-based linearization of endocentric structuring -- 4.5 Concluding remarks -- 5. Full Interpretation all the way through -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Endocentricity as an interface phenomenon -- 5.2.1 Head-independence of narrow-syntactic operations -- 5.2.2 Eliminating the Merge-to-Head hypothesis and edge-features -- 5.2.3 Phasing out specifiers -- 5.2.3.1 Minimal search and specifiers -- 5.2.3.2 Specifiers in pied-piping -- 5.2.3.3 Selection and specifiers -- 5.2.3.4 Spec-head licensing -- 5.2.4 MHD and the third factor -- 5.3 Further issues of endocentricity and Full Interpretation -- 5.3.1 Reviewing Chomsky's (2013) labeling algorithm -- 5.3.2 Eliminating trace invisibility -- 5.3.3 On the visibility of Agreement features at Interpret -- 5.3.4 On symmetric structures and universal endocentricity -- 5.3.5 Remarks on universal endocentricity -- 5.4 Concluding remarks -- 6. Conclusion -- Appendix: List of propositions -- Premises and definitions -- General linguistic theory -- Minimal Computation.
Universal Grammar (UG) -- Architecture -- Relations and definitions -- Semantics (Interpret) -- Phonology (Spell-Out, specifically for linearization) -- Lexicon -- Lexical items (LIs) -- Formal features -- Semantic features -- Phonological features -- Language-specific linearization rules -- Consequences -- Full Interpretation -- Cyclic derivation by phase -- Rules and relations -- The endocentric structuring constraint and conditions on movement -- Lexicon -- Acquisition -- Word order and linearization -- References -- Author index -- Subject index.
Summary: Endocentric Structuring of Projection-free Syntax puts forward a novel theory of syntax that rigidly adheres to the principle of Minimal Computation, in which a number of traditional but extraneous stipulations such as referential indices and representational labels/projections are eliminated. It specifically articulates the overarching hypothesis that every syntactic object is composed by recursive, phase-by-phase embedding of the endocentric structure {H, α}, where H is a head lexical item and α is another syntactic object (order irrelevant). The proposed mechanism achieves both theory-internal simplicity and broad empirical coverage at the same time, advancing a radically reduced conception of endocentricty/headedness while deriving a number of empirically grounded constraints on human language.
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Endocentric Structuring of Projection-free Syntax -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- List of abbreviations -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Preface -- 2. Bare phrase structure and cyclic derivation by phase, in light of Minimal Computation -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Towards fuller exploration of bare phrase structure -- 2.2.1 Disentangling compositional structure, labeling, and linear order -- 2.2.2 Merge, inclusiveness, and the no-tampering condition -- 2.2.3 Restricting the generative capacity -- 2.3 Transfer: Compounding Interpret and Spell-Out -- 2.4 Copy-identification and derivational simultaneity -- 2.4.1 The bifurcation of external and internal merge -- 2.4.2 Derivational simultaneity of Value/Agree and Transfer -- 2.5 Defining phases -- 2.5.1 The edge and interior of phases -- 2.5.2 Phase convergence redux -- 2.5.3 Rationale for unvalued/uninterpretable features -- 2.6 Eliminating the Merge-over-Move stipulation along with numeration and lexical (sub-)arrays -- 2.7 Copy-identification as part of Transfer -- 2.8 Head-movement in bare phrase structure -- 2.9 Concluding remarks -- 3. Minimal head detection in projection-free syntax -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Label = projection = endocentricity? -- 3.3 Why endocentricity? -- 3.4 The Endocentric Structuring Constraint (ESC) -- 3.4.1 Excluding exocentric "XP-YP" merger -- 3.4.2 Internal merge and endocentricity -- 3.4.2.1 No XP-YP Internal Merger -- 3.4.2.2 A-movement and K(ase) -- 3.4.2.3 A′-movement: Extending Cable's eliminative approach to pied-piping -- 3.4.2.4 Eliminating the EPP-feature -- 3.4.2.5 Approximating the duality of semantics -- 3.5 The ESC and the typology of movement -- 3.5.1 Deriving the complementarity of phrasal vs. head-movement -- 3.5.2 On the phasehood of vP -- 3.6 The ESC and the Condition on Extraction Domain (CED) -- 3.6.1 Freezing effects.

3.6.2 *{t, t} -- 3.6.3 Subject condition effects and beyond -- 3.6.4 Adjunct condition effects and beyond -- 3.6.5 The Phrasal Sister Condition -- 3.6.6 Locality beyond lexicalism and barrierhood -- 3.7 Further consequences on the problem of learnability -- 3.8 Concluding remarks -- 4. Cyclic Spell-Out of projection-free syntax -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Eradicating the LCA from the ESC -- 4.2.1 Uriagereka's LCA-based ESC -- 4.2.2 The irrelevance of the LCA to the CED effect -- 4.2.3 Sheehan's projection-based resuscitation of Uriagereka's LCA -- 4.2.4 Conclusion: The LCA has no place in projection-free syntax -- 4.3 Eradicating antisymmetry from the ESC -- 4.3.1 Independence of antisymmetry and the LCA -- 4.3.2 Kayne's (2011) LCA-free but still antisymmetric ESC -- 4.3.3 Antisymmetry and cartography in the pursuit of biological adequacy -- 4.4 MHD-based linearization of endocentric structuring -- 4.5 Concluding remarks -- 5. Full Interpretation all the way through -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Endocentricity as an interface phenomenon -- 5.2.1 Head-independence of narrow-syntactic operations -- 5.2.2 Eliminating the Merge-to-Head hypothesis and edge-features -- 5.2.3 Phasing out specifiers -- 5.2.3.1 Minimal search and specifiers -- 5.2.3.2 Specifiers in pied-piping -- 5.2.3.3 Selection and specifiers -- 5.2.3.4 Spec-head licensing -- 5.2.4 MHD and the third factor -- 5.3 Further issues of endocentricity and Full Interpretation -- 5.3.1 Reviewing Chomsky's (2013) labeling algorithm -- 5.3.2 Eliminating trace invisibility -- 5.3.3 On the visibility of Agreement features at Interpret -- 5.3.4 On symmetric structures and universal endocentricity -- 5.3.5 Remarks on universal endocentricity -- 5.4 Concluding remarks -- 6. Conclusion -- Appendix: List of propositions -- Premises and definitions -- General linguistic theory -- Minimal Computation.

Universal Grammar (UG) -- Architecture -- Relations and definitions -- Semantics (Interpret) -- Phonology (Spell-Out, specifically for linearization) -- Lexicon -- Lexical items (LIs) -- Formal features -- Semantic features -- Phonological features -- Language-specific linearization rules -- Consequences -- Full Interpretation -- Cyclic derivation by phase -- Rules and relations -- The endocentric structuring constraint and conditions on movement -- Lexicon -- Acquisition -- Word order and linearization -- References -- Author index -- Subject index.

Endocentric Structuring of Projection-free Syntax puts forward a novel theory of syntax that rigidly adheres to the principle of Minimal Computation, in which a number of traditional but extraneous stipulations such as referential indices and representational labels/projections are eliminated. It specifically articulates the overarching hypothesis that every syntactic object is composed by recursive, phase-by-phase embedding of the endocentric structure {H, α}, where H is a head lexical item and α is another syntactic object (order irrelevant). The proposed mechanism achieves both theory-internal simplicity and broad empirical coverage at the same time, advancing a radically reduced conception of endocentricty/headedness while deriving a number of empirically grounded constraints on human language.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2019. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.

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