Impersonal Constructions : A cross-linguistic perspective.

By: Malchukov, AndrejContributor(s): Siewierska, AnnaPublisher: Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2011Copyright date: ©2011Description: 1 online resource (650 pages)Content type: text Media type: computer Carrier type: online resourceISBN: 9789027287168Subject(s): 401(k) plans.;Individual retirement accounts -- United States.;Retirement -- Planning -- United StatesGenre/Form: Electronic books. Additional physical formats: Print version:: Impersonal Constructions : A cross-linguistic perspectiveDDC classification: 415/.6 LOC classification: P293.5 -- .I47 2011ebOnline resources: Click to View
Contents:
Impersonal Constructions -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- List of contributors -- Introduction -- 1. Introductory remarks -- 2. Some conceptual considerations -- 3. Contributions to this volume -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- Part I: Impersonal constructions: Typological and theoretical aspects -- Towards a typology of impersonal constructions -- 1. Introductory -- 2. Subject prototype -- 3. Functional varieties of impersonal constructions and their encoding -- 3.1 Impersonal constructions with non-referential subjects -- 3.2 Impersonal constructions with indefinite subjects -- 3.3 Impersonal constructions with non-topical subjects -- 3.4 Impersonal constructions with inanimate subjects (agents) -- 3.5 Impersonal constructions with non-volitional subjects (agents) -- 3.6 A note on passives and derived strategies -- 3.7 Conclusions -- 4. Towards a semantic map for the impersonal domain -- 5. Transimpersonal constructions: An additional link on the map? -- 6. Conclusions -- Abbreviations -- References -- Overlap and complementarity in reference impersonals -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The typology of Man-Imps and 3pl-Imps -- 2.1 Generic uses -- 2.2 Episodic uses -- 2.3 Specific -- 3. The salient properties of Man-Imps and 3pl-Imps -- 3.1 Morpho-syntactic properties -- 3.2 Discourse- pragmatic properties -- 4. The genetic and areal distribution of the two constructions -- 4.1 The global perspective -- 4.2 Europe -- 4.2.1 Man Imps -- 4.2.2 3pl-Imps -- 4.2.3 Comparing the distribution of the two -- 5. The realization of pronominal subjects: Pro-drop -- 6. The actual use of Man-Imps and 3pl-Imps -- 7. Concluding remarks -- References -- Verbs of motion -- 1. Outlook -- 2. Motion verbs (VoM) as exceptions to unaccusativity: The problem under impersonal passivization.
3. Split auxiliary selection and the Unaccusative Hypothesis -- 3.1 The search for a uniquely motivated auxiliary selection: -- 3.2 Russian verbs of motion (VoM) -- 3.3 Event semantics and event syntax -- 3.4 Event decomposition and the underspecificity of VoMs -- 5. Scandinavian: Alternative ways to encode Impersonal passivization -- 6. Addendum: Decomposition of auxiliaries -- 7. VoM: How do agentivity and unaccusativity align? -- 8. Aspect-based account vs. argument-based account -- 9. The unified IPass criterion -- 10. Results of our discussion -- References -- On the distribution of subject properties in formulaic presentationals of Germanic and Romance -- 1. Introduction -- 2. What is a presentational? -- 2.1 Presentationals in English, Spanish and German -- 2.2 Formulaic vs. non-formulaic presentationals -- 3. Non-canonical subjects in presentationals -- 3.1 On subjects with object properties -- 3.2 A conflict between form and function -- 3.3 Lambrecht's 'global repulsion hypothesis' -- 4. A typology of formulaic presentationals -- 4.1 Types of existential predicates in formulaic presentationals of Germanic and Romance languages -- 4.2 Cross-classifying types of predicates and types of expletives -- 4.3 Thetic-V1 and thetic-XV languages -- 5. Presentationals in Germanic and Romance languages -- 5.1 One-place presentationals -- 5.2 Copular presentationals -- 5.2.1 without an expletive: Latin, Portuguese, Spanish, Romanian -- 5.2.2 with locative expletives: English and Danish -- 5.2.3 with locative expletives: Italian and Sardinian -- 5.2.4 with weak pronominal expletives: Scandinavian and Dutch -- 5.3 Transitive presentationals -- 5.3.1 without an expletive -- 5.3.2 with a weak pronominal expletive: German and French -- 5.3.3 with a locative expletive -- 6. Summary -- Abbreviations -- References.
Part II: Impersonal constructions: Diachronic studies -- Impersonal constructions and accusative subjects in Late Latin -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Quirky' accusatives in Late Latin -- 2.1 Accusative subjects -- 2.2 Other patterns with accusative arguments in Late Latin and their Early Latin antecedents -- 2.2.1 Impersonal constructions -- 2.2.2 Accusative in nominal clauses -- 2.2.3 Accusative in topic function -- 2.3 Interim summary -- 3. Voice and accusative subjects in Late Latin -- 4. Impersonal constructions and the rise of split S systems -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- From passive to impersonal -- 1. Introduction: From passive to impersonal -- 2. The si-construction in Old Italian -- 2.1 The extension to intransitive verbs -- 2.2 The emergence of the impersonal si-construction with transitive verbs -- 3. The situation in present-day Italian -- 3.1 The passive si-construction -- 3.2 The impersonal si-construction -- 3.3 The inclusive si-construction -- 4. What happened in the meantime -- 4.1 The extension to intransitive verbs -- 4.2 The development of impersonal si-constructions with transitive verbs -- 4.3 The emergence and establishing of the inclusive si-construction -- 5. Conclusions -- Abbreviations -- Appendix -- Corpora -- 13 th and 14th century Italian -- References -- Passive to anticausative through impersonalization -- 1. Between passives and anticausatives: Introductory remarks -- 1.1 Preliminaries and definitions -- 1.2 Agentless passive vs. anticausative: Semantic distinction and its conceptual basis -- 2. Chronological and grammatical notes on Vedic -- 3. Passive to anticausative transition in early Vedic: Patterns and semantic classes -- 3.1 Passives of verbs of perception and knowledge -- 3.1.1 drs 'see': drsya-te etc. -- 3.1.2 sru 'hear': sruyá-te etc. -- 3.1.3 khya (kśa) 'see, consider, know': khyayá-te.
3.1.4 2vid 'know': vidé etc. and 1vid 'find': vidyá-te, avedi -- 3.2 The case of a verb of speech: vac 'speak -- pronounce -- call': ucyá-te -- 3.2.1 Agentless passive usages of ucyá-te -- 3.2.2 Anticausative usages of ucyá-te -- 3.2.3 Verbs of speech and verbs of perception and knowledge: Systemic relations -- 3.3 Passive to anticausative transition in other semantic classes -- 4. Typological parallels from other Indo-European languages -- 5. The de-agentivization of passives: A general scenario -- 5.1 From passive to anticausative through impersonalization -- 5.2 Epistemic roots of impersonalization -- 6. Concluding terminological remarks: Impersonal vs. impersonalized passive -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- References -- Part III: Cross-linguistic variation in Impersonal constructions: Case studies -- The Maa (Eastern Nilotic) Impersonal construction -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basic Morphosyntax of the Maa Impersonal Construction -- 3. Subject properties and the Accusative NP -- 3.1 Control of bound-pronominal marking on the verb -- 3.2 Control of relative clause prefix if fronted -- 3.3 Control of Infinitive singular versus plural form -- 4. Functions of the Maa Impersonal construction -- 4.1 Focus on the event or situation -- 4.2 Functional passive situations -- 4.2.1 Topical non-Agent -- 4.2.2 Unknown or non-existent Agent -- 4.2.3 Diffuse, non-specific human Agent -- 4.2.4 Specific Agents and the Impersonal -- 4.3 Existential -- 5. Origins of the Impersonal suffix and construction -- Abbreviations -- References -- Impersonal constructions in Jóola-Banjal -- 1. Introduction -- 2. General information on Jóola-Banjal -- 3. The notion of impersonal construction in Jóola-Banjal -- 4. Intransitive verbs in a construction including no manifestation of the S argument.
5. Intransitive verbs in constructions in which the S argument shows object properties -- 5.1 The impersonal construction of enanno 'remain' -- 5.2 The impersonal construction of intransitive verbs with a clausal argument -- 6. Impersonal use of ebaj 'have' in existential predication -- 7. Impersonal use of the negative identification copula -- 8. Lack of agreement in a construction including a subject pronoun -- 9. A construction involving a frozen subject marker -- 10. Arbitrary reading of the second person singular and third person plural subject markers -- 11. Lexicalization of verb forms devoid of subject marker -- 12. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Impersonal configurations and theticity -- 1. Preliminaries -- 2. Atmospheric predications and impersonal constructions -- 2.1 Global apprehension: The "the rain rains" strategy -- 2.2 Partial backgrounding of the entity: The "the world rains" strategy -- 2.3 Partial backgrounding of the process: The "the rain falls/hits" strategy -- 2.4 Total backgrounding of the entity: The "(it) rains" strategy -- 2.5 Total backgrounding of the process: The "it is rain" strategy -- 2.6 Modeling the backgrounding -- 3. Competing strategies and the role of theticity -- 3.1 Gawwada -- 3.2 Kabyle -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- Revisiting impersonal constructions in modern Hebrew -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Relevant properties of modern hebrew -- 3. Hebrew impersonal constructions -- 3.1 Subjectless Clauses with Plural Predicates -- 3.2 Subjectless Constructions with Modal Operators -- 3.3 Pro)nominal expression of generic reference -- 4. Comparative trends -- 4.1 Type of Discourse -- 4.2 Age-Schooling Related Factors -- 4.3 Cross-Linguistic Factors in Selecting Means for Depersonalization -- 5. Concluding discussion -- Abbreviations -- References -- The elephant in the room -- 1. Introduction.
2. The extent of the -ne/-te construction in Polish.
Summary: In the four Pama-Nyungan languages Umpithamu, Morrobolam, Mbarrumbathama and Rimanggudinhma there is a core set of impersonals centred around experiencer object constructions. They describe involuntary physical processes, and are formally characterized by lack of nominative pronominal cross-reference, and optional absence of ergative agent nominals. In addition, systematic lack of nominative cross-reference is found in constructions with inanimate agents in all four languages, and in experienced action constructions in Umpithamu, in both cases with ergatively-marked nominals. It is argued that nominative cross-reference is the basic criterionfor subject status, with ergative marking merely indicating agent status.Given the lack of any specific valency-changing morphology, impersonals with ergatively-marked nominals are functional equivalents of a voice mechanism, with agents demoted from subject status. This process has developed furthest in Umpithamu where the experienced action construction is systematically available as an alternative construal for a subset of transitive clauses.Keywords: impersonal; experiencer object; inanimate agent; passive; Umpithamu; Lamalamic.
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Impersonal Constructions -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- List of contributors -- Introduction -- 1. Introductory remarks -- 2. Some conceptual considerations -- 3. Contributions to this volume -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- Part I: Impersonal constructions: Typological and theoretical aspects -- Towards a typology of impersonal constructions -- 1. Introductory -- 2. Subject prototype -- 3. Functional varieties of impersonal constructions and their encoding -- 3.1 Impersonal constructions with non-referential subjects -- 3.2 Impersonal constructions with indefinite subjects -- 3.3 Impersonal constructions with non-topical subjects -- 3.4 Impersonal constructions with inanimate subjects (agents) -- 3.5 Impersonal constructions with non-volitional subjects (agents) -- 3.6 A note on passives and derived strategies -- 3.7 Conclusions -- 4. Towards a semantic map for the impersonal domain -- 5. Transimpersonal constructions: An additional link on the map? -- 6. Conclusions -- Abbreviations -- References -- Overlap and complementarity in reference impersonals -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The typology of Man-Imps and 3pl-Imps -- 2.1 Generic uses -- 2.2 Episodic uses -- 2.3 Specific -- 3. The salient properties of Man-Imps and 3pl-Imps -- 3.1 Morpho-syntactic properties -- 3.2 Discourse- pragmatic properties -- 4. The genetic and areal distribution of the two constructions -- 4.1 The global perspective -- 4.2 Europe -- 4.2.1 Man Imps -- 4.2.2 3pl-Imps -- 4.2.3 Comparing the distribution of the two -- 5. The realization of pronominal subjects: Pro-drop -- 6. The actual use of Man-Imps and 3pl-Imps -- 7. Concluding remarks -- References -- Verbs of motion -- 1. Outlook -- 2. Motion verbs (VoM) as exceptions to unaccusativity: The problem under impersonal passivization.

3. Split auxiliary selection and the Unaccusative Hypothesis -- 3.1 The search for a uniquely motivated auxiliary selection: -- 3.2 Russian verbs of motion (VoM) -- 3.3 Event semantics and event syntax -- 3.4 Event decomposition and the underspecificity of VoMs -- 5. Scandinavian: Alternative ways to encode Impersonal passivization -- 6. Addendum: Decomposition of auxiliaries -- 7. VoM: How do agentivity and unaccusativity align? -- 8. Aspect-based account vs. argument-based account -- 9. The unified IPass criterion -- 10. Results of our discussion -- References -- On the distribution of subject properties in formulaic presentationals of Germanic and Romance -- 1. Introduction -- 2. What is a presentational? -- 2.1 Presentationals in English, Spanish and German -- 2.2 Formulaic vs. non-formulaic presentationals -- 3. Non-canonical subjects in presentationals -- 3.1 On subjects with object properties -- 3.2 A conflict between form and function -- 3.3 Lambrecht's 'global repulsion hypothesis' -- 4. A typology of formulaic presentationals -- 4.1 Types of existential predicates in formulaic presentationals of Germanic and Romance languages -- 4.2 Cross-classifying types of predicates and types of expletives -- 4.3 Thetic-V1 and thetic-XV languages -- 5. Presentationals in Germanic and Romance languages -- 5.1 One-place presentationals -- 5.2 Copular presentationals -- 5.2.1 without an expletive: Latin, Portuguese, Spanish, Romanian -- 5.2.2 with locative expletives: English and Danish -- 5.2.3 with locative expletives: Italian and Sardinian -- 5.2.4 with weak pronominal expletives: Scandinavian and Dutch -- 5.3 Transitive presentationals -- 5.3.1 without an expletive -- 5.3.2 with a weak pronominal expletive: German and French -- 5.3.3 with a locative expletive -- 6. Summary -- Abbreviations -- References.

Part II: Impersonal constructions: Diachronic studies -- Impersonal constructions and accusative subjects in Late Latin -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Quirky' accusatives in Late Latin -- 2.1 Accusative subjects -- 2.2 Other patterns with accusative arguments in Late Latin and their Early Latin antecedents -- 2.2.1 Impersonal constructions -- 2.2.2 Accusative in nominal clauses -- 2.2.3 Accusative in topic function -- 2.3 Interim summary -- 3. Voice and accusative subjects in Late Latin -- 4. Impersonal constructions and the rise of split S systems -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- From passive to impersonal -- 1. Introduction: From passive to impersonal -- 2. The si-construction in Old Italian -- 2.1 The extension to intransitive verbs -- 2.2 The emergence of the impersonal si-construction with transitive verbs -- 3. The situation in present-day Italian -- 3.1 The passive si-construction -- 3.2 The impersonal si-construction -- 3.3 The inclusive si-construction -- 4. What happened in the meantime -- 4.1 The extension to intransitive verbs -- 4.2 The development of impersonal si-constructions with transitive verbs -- 4.3 The emergence and establishing of the inclusive si-construction -- 5. Conclusions -- Abbreviations -- Appendix -- Corpora -- 13 th and 14th century Italian -- References -- Passive to anticausative through impersonalization -- 1. Between passives and anticausatives: Introductory remarks -- 1.1 Preliminaries and definitions -- 1.2 Agentless passive vs. anticausative: Semantic distinction and its conceptual basis -- 2. Chronological and grammatical notes on Vedic -- 3. Passive to anticausative transition in early Vedic: Patterns and semantic classes -- 3.1 Passives of verbs of perception and knowledge -- 3.1.1 drs 'see': drsya-te etc. -- 3.1.2 sru 'hear': sruyá-te etc. -- 3.1.3 khya (kśa) 'see, consider, know': khyayá-te.

3.1.4 2vid 'know': vidé etc. and 1vid 'find': vidyá-te, avedi -- 3.2 The case of a verb of speech: vac 'speak -- pronounce -- call': ucyá-te -- 3.2.1 Agentless passive usages of ucyá-te -- 3.2.2 Anticausative usages of ucyá-te -- 3.2.3 Verbs of speech and verbs of perception and knowledge: Systemic relations -- 3.3 Passive to anticausative transition in other semantic classes -- 4. Typological parallels from other Indo-European languages -- 5. The de-agentivization of passives: A general scenario -- 5.1 From passive to anticausative through impersonalization -- 5.2 Epistemic roots of impersonalization -- 6. Concluding terminological remarks: Impersonal vs. impersonalized passive -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- References -- Part III: Cross-linguistic variation in Impersonal constructions: Case studies -- The Maa (Eastern Nilotic) Impersonal construction -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basic Morphosyntax of the Maa Impersonal Construction -- 3. Subject properties and the Accusative NP -- 3.1 Control of bound-pronominal marking on the verb -- 3.2 Control of relative clause prefix if fronted -- 3.3 Control of Infinitive singular versus plural form -- 4. Functions of the Maa Impersonal construction -- 4.1 Focus on the event or situation -- 4.2 Functional passive situations -- 4.2.1 Topical non-Agent -- 4.2.2 Unknown or non-existent Agent -- 4.2.3 Diffuse, non-specific human Agent -- 4.2.4 Specific Agents and the Impersonal -- 4.3 Existential -- 5. Origins of the Impersonal suffix and construction -- Abbreviations -- References -- Impersonal constructions in Jóola-Banjal -- 1. Introduction -- 2. General information on Jóola-Banjal -- 3. The notion of impersonal construction in Jóola-Banjal -- 4. Intransitive verbs in a construction including no manifestation of the S argument.

5. Intransitive verbs in constructions in which the S argument shows object properties -- 5.1 The impersonal construction of enanno 'remain' -- 5.2 The impersonal construction of intransitive verbs with a clausal argument -- 6. Impersonal use of ebaj 'have' in existential predication -- 7. Impersonal use of the negative identification copula -- 8. Lack of agreement in a construction including a subject pronoun -- 9. A construction involving a frozen subject marker -- 10. Arbitrary reading of the second person singular and third person plural subject markers -- 11. Lexicalization of verb forms devoid of subject marker -- 12. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Impersonal configurations and theticity -- 1. Preliminaries -- 2. Atmospheric predications and impersonal constructions -- 2.1 Global apprehension: The "the rain rains" strategy -- 2.2 Partial backgrounding of the entity: The "the world rains" strategy -- 2.3 Partial backgrounding of the process: The "the rain falls/hits" strategy -- 2.4 Total backgrounding of the entity: The "(it) rains" strategy -- 2.5 Total backgrounding of the process: The "it is rain" strategy -- 2.6 Modeling the backgrounding -- 3. Competing strategies and the role of theticity -- 3.1 Gawwada -- 3.2 Kabyle -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- Revisiting impersonal constructions in modern Hebrew -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Relevant properties of modern hebrew -- 3. Hebrew impersonal constructions -- 3.1 Subjectless Clauses with Plural Predicates -- 3.2 Subjectless Constructions with Modal Operators -- 3.3 Pro)nominal expression of generic reference -- 4. Comparative trends -- 4.1 Type of Discourse -- 4.2 Age-Schooling Related Factors -- 4.3 Cross-Linguistic Factors in Selecting Means for Depersonalization -- 5. Concluding discussion -- Abbreviations -- References -- The elephant in the room -- 1. Introduction.

2. The extent of the -ne/-te construction in Polish.

In the four Pama-Nyungan languages Umpithamu, Morrobolam, Mbarrumbathama and Rimanggudinhma there is a core set of impersonals centred around experiencer object constructions. They describe involuntary physical processes, and are formally characterized by lack of nominative pronominal cross-reference, and optional absence of ergative agent nominals. In addition, systematic lack of nominative cross-reference is found in constructions with inanimate agents in all four languages, and in experienced action constructions in Umpithamu, in both cases with ergatively-marked nominals. It is argued that nominative cross-reference is the basic criterionfor subject status, with ergative marking merely indicating agent status.Given the lack of any specific valency-changing morphology, impersonals with ergatively-marked nominals are functional equivalents of a voice mechanism, with agents demoted from subject status. This process has developed furthest in Umpithamu where the experienced action construction is systematically available as an alternative construal for a subset of transitive clauses.Keywords: impersonal; experiencer object; inanimate agent; passive; Umpithamu; Lamalamic.

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