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Grammatical Change in Indo-European Languages : Papers presented at the workshop on Indo-European Linguistics at the XVIIIth International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Montreal, 2007.

By: Contributor(s): Publisher: Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2009Copyright date: ©2009Description: 1 online resource (288 pages)Content type:
  • text
Media type:
  • computer
Carrier type:
  • online resource
ISBN:
  • 9789027289292
Subject(s): Genre/Form: Additional physical formats: Print version:: Grammatical Change in Indo-European Languages : Papers presented at the workshop on Indo-European Linguistics at the XVIIIth International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Montreal, 2007DDC classification:
  • 415
LOC classification:
  • P577 -- .G73 2009eb
Online resources:
Contents:
Grammatical Change in Indo-European Languages -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Editors' foreword -- My memories of Carol Justus -- The origin of the feminine gender in PIE -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Some previous explanations -- 3. Setting the issue in a new perspective -- 4. Abstract and collective -- 5. Noun classification and individuation -- 6. From individuation to gender -- 7. The pre-prehistory of PIE gender: the two gender system -- 8. Summary and conclusions -- References -- The animacy fallacy -- 1. Introduction -- 2. "Animacy" and Latin noun classes -- 2.1 Morpho-syntactic features supporting Meillet's hypothesis -- 2.1.1 Syncretism of nominative and accusative. -- 2.1.2 The morpheme -M as a direct object marker -- 2.1.3 The features of the agentive Noun Phrase -- 2.2 Socio-cognitive arguments -- 3. Factors favoring the loss of the neuter as a grammatical category -- 4. Conclusions. Redefining grammatical gender -- References -- Corpus -- Default, animacy, avoidance -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The 'Standard View' on early Germanic and its problems -- 3. Old High German 'inflected' and 'uninflected' predicate adjective agreement -- 4. Old Saxon gender neutralization in the plural -- 5. Conclusions and outlook -- References -- The early development of animacy in Novgorod -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Previous analyses of NSg msc o-stem -e -- 3. Evoking the vocative anew -- 3.1 The initial phase of innovation: phonetic change *-os > *-o -- 3.2 The locus of innovation: animates or inanimates? -- 3.3 Vocative origin of the NSg ending -e: morphological borrowing *-o > *-e -- 3.4 The lack of palatalization effects in velar stems -- 4. Evidence for the early development of animacy -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The development of mass/count distinctions in Indo-European varieties.
1. Introduction -- 2. First stage or incipient stage of gender development -- 3. Second stage of gender development: extension of the new distinction -- 3.1 Extension according to the agreement hierarchy -- 3.1.1 Ibero-Romance dialects -- 3.1.2 Scandinavian languages -- 3.1.3 Towards the rise of new lexical genders -- 3.2 Extension not following the agreement hierarchy: South-Central Italian dialects -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- Strategies of definiteness in Latin -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Strategies of definiteness in Indo-European languages without definite articles -- 3. Strategies of definiteness in Latin -- 3.1 Definite / indefinite use of certain cases -- 3.2 Case alternation in certain verbs: genitive vs. accusative -- 3.3 Genitives vs. accusatives with verbs of remembering, forgetting -- 3.3.1 Data analysis: Babcock (1901) -- 3.3.2 Further analysis: case, aspect, and definiteness? -- 3.3.3 Summary of findings: case alternation, aspect and definiteness in Latin -- 3.4 Adjectives and definiteness: partitive adjectives -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- The rise and development of the possessive in Middle Iranian with parallels in Albanian -- 1. Old Iranian system of case -- 2. Middle Iranian adpositional system -- 3. Emergence of the accusative case and the possessive construction in Middle Persian -- 4. Typological parallel with the genitival construction in Albanian -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Does Homeric Greek have prepositions? Or local adverbs? -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Configurationality -- 1.2 Dependency -- 1.3 Definition and what we will be looking for -- 2. The corpus -- 3. The examples -- 3.1 Omissible PWs -- 3.1.1 Landmark noun is accusative -- 3.1.2 Landmark noun is genitive -- 3.1.3 Landmark noun is dative -- 3.2 Non-omissible particles -- 3.2.1 Landmark noun is accusative -- 3.2.2 Landmark noun is genitive.
3.2.3 Landmark noun is dative -- 3.3 Overview -- 3.4 Conclusions on the head/dependent status of the PW and the NPlm -- 4. The historical evolution of phrase structure -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Appendix: discontinuous PW + Nlm structures in Homer -- 1. Omissible particles -- 1.1. Nlm is in the accusative -- 1.2. Nlm is in the genitive -- 1.3 Nlm is in the dative -- 2. Non-omissible particles -- 2.1 Nlm is in the accusative -- 2.2 Nlm is in the genitive -- 2.3 Nlm is in the dative -- 3. Nominal sentences -- On the origin of the Slavic aspects -- 1. Introduction - Tense and aspect -- 1.1 Perfective/Imperfective -- 1.2 Determinate/indeterminate -- 1.3 Imperfect/Aorist -- 1.4 Retrospective/absolute -- 1.5 Prospective/actual -- 2. Comparative and textual evidence -- 2.1 Comparative evidence -- 2.2 Textual evidence. -- 3. Towards a relative chronology of aspect grammations -- 3.1 Type A: De-inceptive auxiliaries. East Slavic -- 3.2 Type B: De-modal auxiliaries. South Slavic -- 3.3 Type C: The copular auxiliary, bqdq.prosp + l-form -- 3.4 The Type D Prospective: The de-existential auxiliary, bqdq.prosp + inf. -- 3.5 Spatial reflections of relative chronology -- 3.6 The Determinate/Indeterminate aspect -- 3.7 The Retrospective/Absolute aspect -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- The *-to-/-no- construction of Indo-European -- 1. Introduction -- 2. *-to-/-no- in the IE languages -- 2.1 Greek -- 2.2 Indo-Iranian -- 2.3 Italic -- 2.4 Germanic -- 2.5 Slavic -- 2.6 Baltic -- 2.7 Celtic -- 2.8 Tocharian and Hittite -- 3. Arguments for verbal adjective vs. participle -- 3.1 Relation with nominal system -- 3.2 Tense distinctions -- 3.3 Voice distinctions -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Grammaticalization of the verbal diathesis of Germanic -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The active syntax of PIE -- 3. The role of indefinite subjects.
4. The grammaticalization of the direct object function -- 4.1 Comparison with the prepositional phrase -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The origin and meaning of the first person singular consonantal markers of the Hittite Ti/mi conjugations -- References -- The origin of the oblique-subject construction and Indo-European Comparison* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The subject behavior of subject-like obliques -- 3. The origin of the oblique-subject construction -- 3.1 The topicality hypothesis -- 3.2 The null subject hypothesis -- 3.3 The Semantic development hypothesis -- 3.4 The free-dative hypothesis -- 3.5 The anti-causative hypothesis -- 3.6 Interim Summary -- 4. Oblique subjects as a characteristic of stative-active alignment -- 5. Conclusion and summary -- References -- Morphosyntactic changes in Persian and their effects on the syntax -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Old Iranian -- 3. Middle Iranian -- 3.1 Parthian -- 3.2 Middle Persian: -- 4. New Persian -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Possessive subjects, nominalization, and ergativity in North Russian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The North Russian -n-/-t- construction. -- 2.1 Data -- 2.2 The u+Gen phrase as a surface subject -- 2.3 The u+Gen phrase as an agent phrase -- 2.4 Lexicalization of the phi-features in the participle -- 3. The development of the be-perfect in North Russian -- 3.1 Parallelism between the have-perfect and the be-perfect -- 3.2 Semantic and syntactic derivation of the u+Gen as an agentive subject -- 3.3 Voice shift: The rise of a new nominative object construction -- 3.4 A nominalized verb structure -- 4. Ergativity in North Russian -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- On the grammaticalization of *kwi-/kwo- relative clauses in Proto-Indo-European -- 1. Relative clauses in Proto-Indo-European -- 2. The grammaticalization of *kwi-/kwo- as a relative pronoun: The state of the art.
3. The relationship between indefinite, interrogative, and relative pronouns: the typological evidence -- 3.1 Synchronic evidence -- 3.2 Diachronic evidence -- 4. The grammaticalization of *kwi-/kwo- as a relative pronoun: New perspectives -- References -- Reconstruction of inflectional categories in Indo-European -- Formal correspondences, different functions -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Hittite -ant-, Greek -ont- and Vedic -ant- -- 3. Vedic dumane, vidmáne and Homeric and Lesbian δόμεναι, ἴδμεναι. -- 4. Difficulties arising from the assumption of formal correspondences -- 5. Infinitive sensu stricto in ancient IE languages -- 6. Results -- 7. Isolated cases in Old Avestan -- 8. Infinitives sensu stricto -- 9. Vedic: two types of ablaut -- 10. Infinitive? -- 11. Instrumental sociative function -- 12. Avestan -manal -- 13. Summary -- References -- Author index -- Index of languages and dialects -- Index of subjects -- The series CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY.
Summary: The product of a group of scholars who have been working on new directions in Historical Linguistics, this book is focused on questions of grammatical change, and the central issue of grammaticalization in Indo-European languages. Several studies examine particular problems in specific languages, but often with implications for the IE phylum as a whole. Given the historical scope of the data (over a period of four millennia) long range grammatical changes such as the development of gender differences, strategies of definiteness, the prepositional phrase, or of the syntax of the verbal diathesis and aspect, are also treated. The shifting relevance of morphology to syntax, and syntax to morphology, a central motif of this research, has provoked lively debate in the discipline of Historical Linguistics.
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Grammatical Change in Indo-European Languages -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Editors' foreword -- My memories of Carol Justus -- The origin of the feminine gender in PIE -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Some previous explanations -- 3. Setting the issue in a new perspective -- 4. Abstract and collective -- 5. Noun classification and individuation -- 6. From individuation to gender -- 7. The pre-prehistory of PIE gender: the two gender system -- 8. Summary and conclusions -- References -- The animacy fallacy -- 1. Introduction -- 2. "Animacy" and Latin noun classes -- 2.1 Morpho-syntactic features supporting Meillet's hypothesis -- 2.1.1 Syncretism of nominative and accusative. -- 2.1.2 The morpheme -M as a direct object marker -- 2.1.3 The features of the agentive Noun Phrase -- 2.2 Socio-cognitive arguments -- 3. Factors favoring the loss of the neuter as a grammatical category -- 4. Conclusions. Redefining grammatical gender -- References -- Corpus -- Default, animacy, avoidance -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The 'Standard View' on early Germanic and its problems -- 3. Old High German 'inflected' and 'uninflected' predicate adjective agreement -- 4. Old Saxon gender neutralization in the plural -- 5. Conclusions and outlook -- References -- The early development of animacy in Novgorod -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Previous analyses of NSg msc o-stem -e -- 3. Evoking the vocative anew -- 3.1 The initial phase of innovation: phonetic change *-os > *-o -- 3.2 The locus of innovation: animates or inanimates? -- 3.3 Vocative origin of the NSg ending -e: morphological borrowing *-o > *-e -- 3.4 The lack of palatalization effects in velar stems -- 4. Evidence for the early development of animacy -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The development of mass/count distinctions in Indo-European varieties.

1. Introduction -- 2. First stage or incipient stage of gender development -- 3. Second stage of gender development: extension of the new distinction -- 3.1 Extension according to the agreement hierarchy -- 3.1.1 Ibero-Romance dialects -- 3.1.2 Scandinavian languages -- 3.1.3 Towards the rise of new lexical genders -- 3.2 Extension not following the agreement hierarchy: South-Central Italian dialects -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- Strategies of definiteness in Latin -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Strategies of definiteness in Indo-European languages without definite articles -- 3. Strategies of definiteness in Latin -- 3.1 Definite / indefinite use of certain cases -- 3.2 Case alternation in certain verbs: genitive vs. accusative -- 3.3 Genitives vs. accusatives with verbs of remembering, forgetting -- 3.3.1 Data analysis: Babcock (1901) -- 3.3.2 Further analysis: case, aspect, and definiteness? -- 3.3.3 Summary of findings: case alternation, aspect and definiteness in Latin -- 3.4 Adjectives and definiteness: partitive adjectives -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- The rise and development of the possessive in Middle Iranian with parallels in Albanian -- 1. Old Iranian system of case -- 2. Middle Iranian adpositional system -- 3. Emergence of the accusative case and the possessive construction in Middle Persian -- 4. Typological parallel with the genitival construction in Albanian -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Does Homeric Greek have prepositions? Or local adverbs? -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Configurationality -- 1.2 Dependency -- 1.3 Definition and what we will be looking for -- 2. The corpus -- 3. The examples -- 3.1 Omissible PWs -- 3.1.1 Landmark noun is accusative -- 3.1.2 Landmark noun is genitive -- 3.1.3 Landmark noun is dative -- 3.2 Non-omissible particles -- 3.2.1 Landmark noun is accusative -- 3.2.2 Landmark noun is genitive.

3.2.3 Landmark noun is dative -- 3.3 Overview -- 3.4 Conclusions on the head/dependent status of the PW and the NPlm -- 4. The historical evolution of phrase structure -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Appendix: discontinuous PW + Nlm structures in Homer -- 1. Omissible particles -- 1.1. Nlm is in the accusative -- 1.2. Nlm is in the genitive -- 1.3 Nlm is in the dative -- 2. Non-omissible particles -- 2.1 Nlm is in the accusative -- 2.2 Nlm is in the genitive -- 2.3 Nlm is in the dative -- 3. Nominal sentences -- On the origin of the Slavic aspects -- 1. Introduction - Tense and aspect -- 1.1 Perfective/Imperfective -- 1.2 Determinate/indeterminate -- 1.3 Imperfect/Aorist -- 1.4 Retrospective/absolute -- 1.5 Prospective/actual -- 2. Comparative and textual evidence -- 2.1 Comparative evidence -- 2.2 Textual evidence. -- 3. Towards a relative chronology of aspect grammations -- 3.1 Type A: De-inceptive auxiliaries. East Slavic -- 3.2 Type B: De-modal auxiliaries. South Slavic -- 3.3 Type C: The copular auxiliary, bqdq.prosp + l-form -- 3.4 The Type D Prospective: The de-existential auxiliary, bqdq.prosp + inf. -- 3.5 Spatial reflections of relative chronology -- 3.6 The Determinate/Indeterminate aspect -- 3.7 The Retrospective/Absolute aspect -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- The *-to-/-no- construction of Indo-European -- 1. Introduction -- 2. *-to-/-no- in the IE languages -- 2.1 Greek -- 2.2 Indo-Iranian -- 2.3 Italic -- 2.4 Germanic -- 2.5 Slavic -- 2.6 Baltic -- 2.7 Celtic -- 2.8 Tocharian and Hittite -- 3. Arguments for verbal adjective vs. participle -- 3.1 Relation with nominal system -- 3.2 Tense distinctions -- 3.3 Voice distinctions -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Grammaticalization of the verbal diathesis of Germanic -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The active syntax of PIE -- 3. The role of indefinite subjects.

4. The grammaticalization of the direct object function -- 4.1 Comparison with the prepositional phrase -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The origin and meaning of the first person singular consonantal markers of the Hittite Ti/mi conjugations -- References -- The origin of the oblique-subject construction and Indo-European Comparison* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The subject behavior of subject-like obliques -- 3. The origin of the oblique-subject construction -- 3.1 The topicality hypothesis -- 3.2 The null subject hypothesis -- 3.3 The Semantic development hypothesis -- 3.4 The free-dative hypothesis -- 3.5 The anti-causative hypothesis -- 3.6 Interim Summary -- 4. Oblique subjects as a characteristic of stative-active alignment -- 5. Conclusion and summary -- References -- Morphosyntactic changes in Persian and their effects on the syntax -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Old Iranian -- 3. Middle Iranian -- 3.1 Parthian -- 3.2 Middle Persian: -- 4. New Persian -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Possessive subjects, nominalization, and ergativity in North Russian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The North Russian -n-/-t- construction. -- 2.1 Data -- 2.2 The u+Gen phrase as a surface subject -- 2.3 The u+Gen phrase as an agent phrase -- 2.4 Lexicalization of the phi-features in the participle -- 3. The development of the be-perfect in North Russian -- 3.1 Parallelism between the have-perfect and the be-perfect -- 3.2 Semantic and syntactic derivation of the u+Gen as an agentive subject -- 3.3 Voice shift: The rise of a new nominative object construction -- 3.4 A nominalized verb structure -- 4. Ergativity in North Russian -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- On the grammaticalization of *kwi-/kwo- relative clauses in Proto-Indo-European -- 1. Relative clauses in Proto-Indo-European -- 2. The grammaticalization of *kwi-/kwo- as a relative pronoun: The state of the art.

3. The relationship between indefinite, interrogative, and relative pronouns: the typological evidence -- 3.1 Synchronic evidence -- 3.2 Diachronic evidence -- 4. The grammaticalization of *kwi-/kwo- as a relative pronoun: New perspectives -- References -- Reconstruction of inflectional categories in Indo-European -- Formal correspondences, different functions -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Hittite -ant-, Greek -ont- and Vedic -ant- -- 3. Vedic dumane, vidmáne and Homeric and Lesbian δόμεναι, ἴδμεναι. -- 4. Difficulties arising from the assumption of formal correspondences -- 5. Infinitive sensu stricto in ancient IE languages -- 6. Results -- 7. Isolated cases in Old Avestan -- 8. Infinitives sensu stricto -- 9. Vedic: two types of ablaut -- 10. Infinitive? -- 11. Instrumental sociative function -- 12. Avestan -manal -- 13. Summary -- References -- Author index -- Index of languages and dialects -- Index of subjects -- The series CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY.

The product of a group of scholars who have been working on new directions in Historical Linguistics, this book is focused on questions of grammatical change, and the central issue of grammaticalization in Indo-European languages. Several studies examine particular problems in specific languages, but often with implications for the IE phylum as a whole. Given the historical scope of the data (over a period of four millennia) long range grammatical changes such as the development of gender differences, strategies of definiteness, the prepositional phrase, or of the syntax of the verbal diathesis and aspect, are also treated. The shifting relevance of morphology to syntax, and syntax to morphology, a central motif of this research, has provoked lively debate in the discipline of Historical Linguistics.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2019. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.

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