Case and Grammatical Relations : Studies in honor of Bernard Comrie.

By: Corbett, Greville GContributor(s): Noonan, MichaelPublisher: Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2008Copyright date: ©2008Description: 1 online resource (304 pages)Content type: text Media type: computer Carrier type: online resourceISBN: 9789027290182Subject(s): Grammar, Comparative and general -- Case.;Grammar, Comparative and generalGenre/Form: Electronic books. Additional physical formats: Print version:: Case and Grammatical Relations : Studies in honor of Bernard ComrieDDC classification: 415 LOC classification: P240.6 -- .C365 2008ebOnline resources: Click to View
Contents:
Case and Grammatical Relations -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Preface -- Determining morphosyntactic feature values -- 1. The canonical approach in typology -- 2. Canonical features and their values -- 3. Criteria for canonical features and values -- 4. The more problematic case values in Russian -- 4.1 Vocative -- 4.2 Second genitive -- 4.3 Second locative -- 4.4 The 'adnumerative' -- 4.5 The 'inclusive' -- 5. A canonical view of the problematic case values of Russian -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Does Hungarian have a case system? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basic Hungarian facts -- 2.1 The traditional case system -- 2.2 Postpositions -- 3. Grammatical properties of cases -- 3.1 Morphosyntax -- 3.2 Allomorphy -- 4. Postpositions and cases -- 4.1 Postpositions - similarities to nouns -- 4.2 Postpositions - similarities to cases -- 4.3 Cases - similarities to nouns -- 5. Does Hungarian have a case system? -- 6. Some consequences -- Abbreviations -- References -- Case in Ingush syntax -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphological ergativity -- 3. Syntactic phenomena -- 3.1 Agreement and agreement climbing -- 3.2 Case climbing -- 3.3 Local reflexivization -- Anchor 20 -- 3.5 Converbs and serialization -- 3.6 Other nonfinites -- 4. Lexical phenomena -- 4.1 Lexical derivation -- 5. Historical and typological conclusions -- References -- Cases, arguments, verbs in Abkhaz, Georgian and Mingrelian -- References -- The degenerate dative in Southern Norrbothnian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The dative in Northern Peninsular Scandinavian -- 3. The expansion of definite forms of nouns -- 4. Plural nouns after quantifiers in Southern Norrbothnian -- 4.1 Historical indefinites -- 4.2 Definite plurals -- 4.3 Historical datives -- 5. The historical dative after modifiers -- 6. Discussion: The synchronic perspective.
7. Discussion: The diachronic perspective -- 8. Conclusion -- References -- Case compounding in the Bodic languages -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Bodic languages -- 1.2 Definition of case compounding -- 1.3 Kinds of case compounding -- 2. Case compounding in the Bodic languages -- 2.1 Attested types in Bodic -- 2.2 Case in Bodic -- 2.2.1 Case expressed by clitics -- 2.2.2 origin of case markers -- 2.3 Derivational case compounding -- 2.4 Case stacking -- 2.5 Simple headless adnominals -- 2.6 Complex attributive nominals -- 3. The prevalence of complex case markers in Bodic -- 4. Final remarks -- Abbreviations -- References -- Leipzig fourmille de typologues - Genitive objects in comparison* -- 1. Genitive objects -- 2. The semantic invariant of genitive objects: Background theme -- 3. More on genitive objects with local verbs -- 4. Extensions from the local domain -- 4.1 The possessive domain -- 4.2 The cognitive domain -- 4.3 The emotional domain -- 5. Reflexive verbs with genitive objects -- 5.1 The possessive domain -- 5.2 The cognitive domain -- 5.3 The emotional domain -- 6. Subjectless verbs with genitive objects -- 7. Historical considerations -- 8. Conclusions -- References -- An asymmetry between VO and OV languages -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Some basic facts and issues -- 1.2 The patterns -- 1.3 Processing typology -- 2. Minimize domains in performance and grammars -- 2.1 Minimal domains in the performance of a head-initial language -- 2.2 Minimal domains for lexical combinations and complements -- 3. Verb & Object Adjacency [Pattern II] -- 3.1 Performance data from English and Japanese support minimal domains for the processing of {V, O} and {V, X} relations -- 3.2 Minimal domain predictions for grammatical conventions of ordering -- 4. Object and X on Same Side of Verb [Pattern III].
4.1 There is less structural differentiation between O and X in OV languages -- 4.2 Variable head positioning in OV lgs -- 4.3 Object and X on the same side -- 5. Object before X [Pattern IV] -- 6. VO consistency vs. OV variability [Pattern I] -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- On the scope of the referential hierarchy in the typology of grammatical relations -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The referential hierarchy and verb agreement -- 3. The referential hierarchy and case marking -- 4. Beyond case marking -- 5. Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Does passivization require a subject category? -- 1. Subjects -- 2. Central Pomo -- 3. Subjects in Central Pomo -- 3.1 Pronouns -- 3.2 Noun case -- 3.3 Agreement -- 3.3.1 Commands -- 3.3.2 t̯a -- 3.3.3 ma -- 3.3.4 aq -- 3.3.5 la, =ya, and =wiya -- 3.3.6 Stem shape -- 3.3.7 Imperfectives -- 3.4 Word order -- 3.5 Conjunction reduction -- 3.6 Switch reference -- 3.7 Relativization -- 3.8 Cross-clause reflexives -- 3.9 Evidence for a Central Pomo subject category -- 4. Central Pomo passives -- 4.1 Passives and case -- 4.2 Passives and number -- 4.3 Passives and cross-clause reflexives -- 5. The functions of passives -- 5.1 Semantic and pragmatic motivations -- 5.2 Syntactic motivations -- 5.3 Discourse motivations -- 6. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- The definiteness of subjects and objects in Malagasy -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Direct object marking -- 3. The definiteness of subjects -- 3. The definiteness of subjects in Malagasy -- 5. Quantified NP subjects -- 4.1 Cardinality quantifiers -- 4.2 Universal quantifiers -- 5.3 Proportionality quantifiers -- 6. Quantification and the scope of negation -- 7. Conclusion -- Source texts -- References -- Without aspect* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Heritage speakers at a glance -- 3. Aspect in Russian: Characteristics of the baseline system.
4. Aspect in Heritage Russian: Expectations and main results -- 4.1 Some predictions -- 4.2 Morphological change in the encoding of aspect -- 4.3 Loss of aspectual pairs -- 4.4 Verbs of motion and retention of isolated prefixal forms -- 5. Aspect in heritage Russian: Some emerging patterns -- 5.1 Speechless or aspectless? -- 5.2 Perfective or imperfective? -- 5.3 The expression of aspectual meanings in heritage Russian: Emergence of a new grammar -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Author index -- Language index -- Subject index -- The series Typological Studies in Language.
Summary: This paper presents and analyzes the encoding of aspect in Heritage Russian (HR), an incompletely acquired language spoken by those for whom another language became dominant at an early age. The HR aspectual system is distinct from the baseline. Aspectual distinctions are lost due to the leveling or loss of morphological marking. As a result, heritage speakers often maintain only one member of a former aspectual pair. Such HR verb forms are underspecified for aspect. To compensate for that, heritage speakers regularly express aspect through the use of analytical forms with the light verbs 'be', 'become', 'do'. The frequent occurrence of these forms supports the notion that aspectual distinctions are universal, belonging with the conceptual representation of events. What varies is the actual linguistic encoding of these distinctions, but not the underlying distinctions themselves.
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Case and Grammatical Relations -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Preface -- Determining morphosyntactic feature values -- 1. The canonical approach in typology -- 2. Canonical features and their values -- 3. Criteria for canonical features and values -- 4. The more problematic case values in Russian -- 4.1 Vocative -- 4.2 Second genitive -- 4.3 Second locative -- 4.4 The 'adnumerative' -- 4.5 The 'inclusive' -- 5. A canonical view of the problematic case values of Russian -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Does Hungarian have a case system? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basic Hungarian facts -- 2.1 The traditional case system -- 2.2 Postpositions -- 3. Grammatical properties of cases -- 3.1 Morphosyntax -- 3.2 Allomorphy -- 4. Postpositions and cases -- 4.1 Postpositions - similarities to nouns -- 4.2 Postpositions - similarities to cases -- 4.3 Cases - similarities to nouns -- 5. Does Hungarian have a case system? -- 6. Some consequences -- Abbreviations -- References -- Case in Ingush syntax -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphological ergativity -- 3. Syntactic phenomena -- 3.1 Agreement and agreement climbing -- 3.2 Case climbing -- 3.3 Local reflexivization -- Anchor 20 -- 3.5 Converbs and serialization -- 3.6 Other nonfinites -- 4. Lexical phenomena -- 4.1 Lexical derivation -- 5. Historical and typological conclusions -- References -- Cases, arguments, verbs in Abkhaz, Georgian and Mingrelian -- References -- The degenerate dative in Southern Norrbothnian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The dative in Northern Peninsular Scandinavian -- 3. The expansion of definite forms of nouns -- 4. Plural nouns after quantifiers in Southern Norrbothnian -- 4.1 Historical indefinites -- 4.2 Definite plurals -- 4.3 Historical datives -- 5. The historical dative after modifiers -- 6. Discussion: The synchronic perspective.

7. Discussion: The diachronic perspective -- 8. Conclusion -- References -- Case compounding in the Bodic languages -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Bodic languages -- 1.2 Definition of case compounding -- 1.3 Kinds of case compounding -- 2. Case compounding in the Bodic languages -- 2.1 Attested types in Bodic -- 2.2 Case in Bodic -- 2.2.1 Case expressed by clitics -- 2.2.2 origin of case markers -- 2.3 Derivational case compounding -- 2.4 Case stacking -- 2.5 Simple headless adnominals -- 2.6 Complex attributive nominals -- 3. The prevalence of complex case markers in Bodic -- 4. Final remarks -- Abbreviations -- References -- Leipzig fourmille de typologues - Genitive objects in comparison* -- 1. Genitive objects -- 2. The semantic invariant of genitive objects: Background theme -- 3. More on genitive objects with local verbs -- 4. Extensions from the local domain -- 4.1 The possessive domain -- 4.2 The cognitive domain -- 4.3 The emotional domain -- 5. Reflexive verbs with genitive objects -- 5.1 The possessive domain -- 5.2 The cognitive domain -- 5.3 The emotional domain -- 6. Subjectless verbs with genitive objects -- 7. Historical considerations -- 8. Conclusions -- References -- An asymmetry between VO and OV languages -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Some basic facts and issues -- 1.2 The patterns -- 1.3 Processing typology -- 2. Minimize domains in performance and grammars -- 2.1 Minimal domains in the performance of a head-initial language -- 2.2 Minimal domains for lexical combinations and complements -- 3. Verb & Object Adjacency [Pattern II] -- 3.1 Performance data from English and Japanese support minimal domains for the processing of {V, O} and {V, X} relations -- 3.2 Minimal domain predictions for grammatical conventions of ordering -- 4. Object and X on Same Side of Verb [Pattern III].

4.1 There is less structural differentiation between O and X in OV languages -- 4.2 Variable head positioning in OV lgs -- 4.3 Object and X on the same side -- 5. Object before X [Pattern IV] -- 6. VO consistency vs. OV variability [Pattern I] -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- On the scope of the referential hierarchy in the typology of grammatical relations -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The referential hierarchy and verb agreement -- 3. The referential hierarchy and case marking -- 4. Beyond case marking -- 5. Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Does passivization require a subject category? -- 1. Subjects -- 2. Central Pomo -- 3. Subjects in Central Pomo -- 3.1 Pronouns -- 3.2 Noun case -- 3.3 Agreement -- 3.3.1 Commands -- 3.3.2 t̯a -- 3.3.3 ma -- 3.3.4 aq -- 3.3.5 la, =ya, and =wiya -- 3.3.6 Stem shape -- 3.3.7 Imperfectives -- 3.4 Word order -- 3.5 Conjunction reduction -- 3.6 Switch reference -- 3.7 Relativization -- 3.8 Cross-clause reflexives -- 3.9 Evidence for a Central Pomo subject category -- 4. Central Pomo passives -- 4.1 Passives and case -- 4.2 Passives and number -- 4.3 Passives and cross-clause reflexives -- 5. The functions of passives -- 5.1 Semantic and pragmatic motivations -- 5.2 Syntactic motivations -- 5.3 Discourse motivations -- 6. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- The definiteness of subjects and objects in Malagasy -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Direct object marking -- 3. The definiteness of subjects -- 3. The definiteness of subjects in Malagasy -- 5. Quantified NP subjects -- 4.1 Cardinality quantifiers -- 4.2 Universal quantifiers -- 5.3 Proportionality quantifiers -- 6. Quantification and the scope of negation -- 7. Conclusion -- Source texts -- References -- Without aspect* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Heritage speakers at a glance -- 3. Aspect in Russian: Characteristics of the baseline system.

4. Aspect in Heritage Russian: Expectations and main results -- 4.1 Some predictions -- 4.2 Morphological change in the encoding of aspect -- 4.3 Loss of aspectual pairs -- 4.4 Verbs of motion and retention of isolated prefixal forms -- 5. Aspect in heritage Russian: Some emerging patterns -- 5.1 Speechless or aspectless? -- 5.2 Perfective or imperfective? -- 5.3 The expression of aspectual meanings in heritage Russian: Emergence of a new grammar -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Author index -- Language index -- Subject index -- The series Typological Studies in Language.

This paper presents and analyzes the encoding of aspect in Heritage Russian (HR), an incompletely acquired language spoken by those for whom another language became dominant at an early age. The HR aspectual system is distinct from the baseline. Aspectual distinctions are lost due to the leveling or loss of morphological marking. As a result, heritage speakers often maintain only one member of a former aspectual pair. Such HR verb forms are underspecified for aspect. To compensate for that, heritage speakers regularly express aspect through the use of analytical forms with the light verbs 'be', 'become', 'do'. The frequent occurrence of these forms supports the notion that aspectual distinctions are universal, belonging with the conceptual representation of events. What varies is the actual linguistic encoding of these distinctions, but not the underlying distinctions themselves.

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