The Phonology of Tone and Intonation.

By: Gussenhoven, CarlosSeries: Research Surveys in LinguisticsPublisher: Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2004Copyright date: ©2004Description: 1 online resource (381 pages)Content type: text Media type: computer Carrier type: online resourceISBN: 9780511210976Subject(s): Tone (Phonetics)Genre/Form: Electronic books. Additional physical formats: Print version:: The Phonology of Tone and IntonationDDC classification: 414 LOC classification: P222Online resources: Click to View
Contents:
Cover -- Half-title -- Series-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Figures -- Map -- Tables -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- Symbols -- 1 Pitch in Humans and Machines -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Frequency of vocal fold vibration, fundamental frequency (F0), and pitch -- 1.3 Pitch tracks -- 1.4 Interpreting pitch tracks -- 1.4.1 Tracking errors -- 1.4.2 Consonantal effects on F -- 1.4.3 Vocalic effects on F -- 1.4.4 End-of utterance effects -- 1.5 Experimentation -- 1.6 Conclusion -- Notes -- 2 Pitch in Language I: Stress and Intonation -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Stress -- 2.2.1 The phonetic correlates of stress -- 2.2.2 Phonological effects -- 2.2.3 The role of fundamental frequency -- 2.2.4 'Degrees' of stress in English -- 2.3 Intonation -- Notes -- 3 Pitch in Language II: Tone -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Tone languages -- 3.3 Autosegmental representations of tone -- 3.3.1 The Tone Bearing Unit -- 3.3.2 Word melodies -- 3.3.3 Obligatory Contour Principle -- 3.3.4 Tone contrasts -- 3.3.5 Toneless and tonal morphemes -- 3.3.6 Empty TBUs -- 3.4 Other sequential restrictions -- 3.5 Accent -- 3.5.1 Assigning and deleting accent -- 3.5.2 Accent without a subgroup of unaccented words -- 3.5.3 On the prominence of accent -- 3.5.4 Is there a class of 'accent languages'? -- 3.6 Tonogenesis -- 3.6.1 Propagation of tone within and across languages -- 3.6.2 Lexical tone and intonation -- 3.6.3 Tonal or non-tonal? -- 3.7 Conclusion -- Notes -- 4 Intonation and Language -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Intonation and the design features of language -- 4.2.1 Non-linguistic intonation -- Lack of arbitrariness -- Lack of discreteness -- Lack of duality -- 4.2.2 The case for structure -- Arbitrary form-function relations -- Discretely different intonation contours -- Duality of structure in intonation -- 4.3 A half-tamed savage.
4.3.1 Intonation as structure -- 4.3.2 Phonetic implementation -- 4.3.3 Phonetic implementation or phonological representation? -- 4.4 Experimental approaches towards establishing discreteness in intonation -- 4.4.1 The imitation task -- 4.4.2 The pitch-range task -- 4.4.3 The semantic task -- 4.4.4 The categorical perception task -- 4.5 Conclusion -- Notes -- 5 Paralinguistics: Three Biological Codes -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Variation beyond the speaker's control -- 5.3 Motivations for control in speech production -- 5.3.1 Social aspirations -- 5.3.2 Contrast enhancement and contrast preservation -- Contrast enhancement -- Contrast preservation -- 5.3.3 Automatic or controlled? -- 5.3.4 Iconic opportunism -- 5.4 Pitch register and pitch span -- 5.4.1 Control of pitch range -- 5.5 Biological codes in pitch variation -- 5.6 The Frequency Code -- 5.6.1 Affective interpretations of the Frequency Code -- 5.6.2 Informational interpretations of the Frequency Code -- Grammaticalizations -- 5.7 The Effort Code -- 5.7.1 An informational interpretation of the Effort Code -- Grammaticalization: focus -- Grammaticalization: negation -- 5.7.2 Affective interpretations of the Effort Code -- Grammaticalization -- 5.8 The Production Code -- 5.8.1 Descending slope -- 5.9 Substitute phonetic features -- 5.10 Language-specific universal meaning? -- 5.11 Conclusion -- Notes -- 6 Downtrends -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Declination -- 6.3 Downstep -- 6.3.1 Automatic and non-automatic downstep -- 6.3.2 Independent evidence for floating L -- 6.3.3 Downstep without preceding L -- 6.3.4 On the status of a downstepped tone -- 6.3.5 Total downstep -- 6.3.6 Morphological triggers of downstep -- 6.3.7 H-raising (upstep) -- 6.4 Final lowering -- 6.4.1 On 'preplanning' -- 6.4.2 Grammaticalization of final lowering -- 6.5 Initial high pitch: reset.
6.5.1 Interpreting high beginnings -- 6.6 Three phonetic issues -- 6.6.1 Phonological gradience? -- 6.6.2 Perceived declination and the reference line -- 6.6.3 Measuring declination -- 6.7 Conclusion -- Notes -- 7 Tonal Structures -- 7.1 Introduction -- 7.2 Historical background -- 7.2.1 Autosegmental-Metrical representation -- 7.2.2 Pitch accents and boundary tones -- 7.2.3 Associated and unassociated tones -- 7.2.4 Targets and interpolations -- 7.2.5 Lexical and intonational tones in a single tier -- 7.2.6 Only two tones -- 7.2.7 The 1986 model -- 7.2.8 ToBI -- 7.3 Developments since 1986 -- 7.3.1 Pitch accents -- 7.3.2 Boundary tones -- 7.3.3 Secondary association -- 7.3.4 Phrase accent -- 7.4 Rhythmic adjustments of pitch-accent distribution -- 7.5 Conclusion -- Notes -- 8 Intonation in Optimality Theory -- 8.1 Introduction -- 8.2 Gen, Eval, and Con -- 8.3 OT and the tonal representation -- 8.3.1 Markedness: OCP and NOCONTOUR -- 8.3.2 Faithfulness -- 8.3.3 Association -- 8.3.4 Alignment -- 8.3.5 Violating CONCATENATE -- 8.3.6 Simultaneous satisfaction of opposite alignments -- 8.4 Positional effects -- 8.5 OT and prosodic phrasing -- 8.5.1 Interacting factors in prosodic phrasing -- 8.5.2 Three issues in the Selkirk-Truckenbrodt account -- 8.6 Conclusion -- Notes -- 9 Northern Bizkaian Basque -- 9.1 Introduction -- 9.2 Lexical representations -- 9.3 The Accentual Phrase -- 9.3.1 Default H.L -- 9.3.2 Lexical accent in alpha -- 9.3.3 The pronunciation of Lalpha Halpha -- 9.4 Unaccented alpha without default H*L -- On H spreading -- 9.5 The Intermediate Phrase -- 9.5.1 Downstep -- 9.5.2 Subordinated alpha -- 9.6 The construction of ip -- 9.7 Basque focus -- 9.7.1 Presentational focus -- 9.7.2 Corrective focus -- 9.8 Conclusion -- Notes -- 10 Tokyo Japanese -- 10.1 Introduction -- 10.2 Lexical accent -- 10.3 The alpha.
10.4 The tonal structure of Utterances with one alpha -- 10.5 Phonetic implementation of a one-alpha Utterance -- 10.5.1 Initial Lalpha -- 10.5.2 L… -- 10.5.3 The alpha-final accent -- 10.5.4 Loss of …-final accent -- 10.6 An OT analysis of the tonal structure -- 10.6.1 NoRise -- 10.7 More than one alpha: secondary association and interpolation -- 10.8 The Intermediate Phrase -- 10.9 The Utterance: L… and H… -- 10.10 Japanese focus -- 10.10.1 The left edge of the focus constituent -- 10.10.2 The right edge of the focus constituent -- 10.11 Conclusion -- Notes -- 11 Scandinavian -- 11.1 Introduction -- 11.2 Stockholm Swedish -- 11.2.1 Focus -- Timing of targets -- 11.2.2 Compounds -- 11.3 An OT analysis of Swedish tone -- 11.4 East Norwegian -- 11.4.1 Lexical tone -- 11.4.2 The intonational tones -- 11.4.3 Norwegian focus -- 11.5 An argument for prelinking -- 11.6 Danish -- 11.6.1 Stød -- 11.6.2 The intonational pitch accent in Danish -- 11.7 Conclusion -- Notes -- 12 The Central Franconian Tone -- 12.1 Introduction -- 12.2 Tonogenesis -- 12.3 The first stage -- 12.4 Improving the interrogative contrast -- 12.4.1 Final interrogatives -- 12.4.2 Non-final interrogatives -- 12.4.3 The rise of NORISE -- 12.4.4 NORISE is Iota-final syllables -- 12.5 Improving the contrast in lota-final declaratives -- 12.6 Outside the focus -- 12.7 Other reinterpretations -- 12.7.1 Tongeren delay -- 12.7.2 Venlo's non-salient tones -- 12.7.3 Venlo's lota-final interrogatives -- 12.8 Conclusion -- Notes -- 13 French -- 13.1 Introduction -- 13.2 Prosodic phrasing -- 13.2.1 Basic patterns -- 13.2.2 ω-final accents -- 13.2.3 No ω-initial accents -- 13.2.4 Variation in medial accents -- 13.2.5 Variation in φ-structure -- 13.2.6 Accented function words -- 13.2.7 Phrasing: Summary -- 13.3 The tonal analysis -- 13.3.1 Downstep -- 13.3.2 Cliché mélodique -- 13.3.3 Violating NOCLASH.
13.3.4 Summary of the tonal grammar -- Notes -- 14 English I: Phrasing and Accent Distribution -- 14.1 Introduction -- 14.2 The distribution of pitch accents -- 14.2.1 Deaccentuation in the lexicon -- 14.3 Postlexical rhythm: φ-structure -- 14.3.1 Bracketing effects -- 14.3.2 Why postlexical cyclicity does not work -- 14.3.3 Procliticized φs -- 14.3.4 Focus and φ -- 14.4 Intonational phrases -- 14.4.1 VP-Internal lota-boundaries -- 14.4.2 Introducing size constraints -- 14.4.3 Incorporated and encliticized lotas -- 14.5 Between the φ and the lota -- 14.5.1 Focus and lota -- 14.6 Conclusion -- Notes -- 15 English II: Tonal Structure -- 15.1 Introduction -- 15.2 Nuclear contours -- 15.2.1 The fall, the fall-rise, the high rise, and the low rise -- 15.2.2 The high level, the half-completed rise, and the half-completed fall -- 15.2.3 The low low rise, scathing intonation, and the low level -- 15.2.4 NoSlump -- 15.3 Pre-nuclear pitch accents -- 15.4 Onsets -- 15.5 Expanding the tonal grammar -- 15.5.1 Pre-nuclear fall-rise -- 15.5.2 Delay -- 15.5.3 Downstep -- 15.5.4 Leading H -- 15.5.5 An extended tonal grammar -- 15.6 The vocative chant -- 15.7 Tone Copy -- 15.8 Some comparisons with Pierrehumbert and Beckman's analysis -- 15.9 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Index.
Summary: This book provides a survey of research into tone and intonation, and how they are integrated into our grammars.
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Cover -- Half-title -- Series-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Figures -- Map -- Tables -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- Symbols -- 1 Pitch in Humans and Machines -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Frequency of vocal fold vibration, fundamental frequency (F0), and pitch -- 1.3 Pitch tracks -- 1.4 Interpreting pitch tracks -- 1.4.1 Tracking errors -- 1.4.2 Consonantal effects on F -- 1.4.3 Vocalic effects on F -- 1.4.4 End-of utterance effects -- 1.5 Experimentation -- 1.6 Conclusion -- Notes -- 2 Pitch in Language I: Stress and Intonation -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Stress -- 2.2.1 The phonetic correlates of stress -- 2.2.2 Phonological effects -- 2.2.3 The role of fundamental frequency -- 2.2.4 'Degrees' of stress in English -- 2.3 Intonation -- Notes -- 3 Pitch in Language II: Tone -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Tone languages -- 3.3 Autosegmental representations of tone -- 3.3.1 The Tone Bearing Unit -- 3.3.2 Word melodies -- 3.3.3 Obligatory Contour Principle -- 3.3.4 Tone contrasts -- 3.3.5 Toneless and tonal morphemes -- 3.3.6 Empty TBUs -- 3.4 Other sequential restrictions -- 3.5 Accent -- 3.5.1 Assigning and deleting accent -- 3.5.2 Accent without a subgroup of unaccented words -- 3.5.3 On the prominence of accent -- 3.5.4 Is there a class of 'accent languages'? -- 3.6 Tonogenesis -- 3.6.1 Propagation of tone within and across languages -- 3.6.2 Lexical tone and intonation -- 3.6.3 Tonal or non-tonal? -- 3.7 Conclusion -- Notes -- 4 Intonation and Language -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Intonation and the design features of language -- 4.2.1 Non-linguistic intonation -- Lack of arbitrariness -- Lack of discreteness -- Lack of duality -- 4.2.2 The case for structure -- Arbitrary form-function relations -- Discretely different intonation contours -- Duality of structure in intonation -- 4.3 A half-tamed savage.

4.3.1 Intonation as structure -- 4.3.2 Phonetic implementation -- 4.3.3 Phonetic implementation or phonological representation? -- 4.4 Experimental approaches towards establishing discreteness in intonation -- 4.4.1 The imitation task -- 4.4.2 The pitch-range task -- 4.4.3 The semantic task -- 4.4.4 The categorical perception task -- 4.5 Conclusion -- Notes -- 5 Paralinguistics: Three Biological Codes -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Variation beyond the speaker's control -- 5.3 Motivations for control in speech production -- 5.3.1 Social aspirations -- 5.3.2 Contrast enhancement and contrast preservation -- Contrast enhancement -- Contrast preservation -- 5.3.3 Automatic or controlled? -- 5.3.4 Iconic opportunism -- 5.4 Pitch register and pitch span -- 5.4.1 Control of pitch range -- 5.5 Biological codes in pitch variation -- 5.6 The Frequency Code -- 5.6.1 Affective interpretations of the Frequency Code -- 5.6.2 Informational interpretations of the Frequency Code -- Grammaticalizations -- 5.7 The Effort Code -- 5.7.1 An informational interpretation of the Effort Code -- Grammaticalization: focus -- Grammaticalization: negation -- 5.7.2 Affective interpretations of the Effort Code -- Grammaticalization -- 5.8 The Production Code -- 5.8.1 Descending slope -- 5.9 Substitute phonetic features -- 5.10 Language-specific universal meaning? -- 5.11 Conclusion -- Notes -- 6 Downtrends -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Declination -- 6.3 Downstep -- 6.3.1 Automatic and non-automatic downstep -- 6.3.2 Independent evidence for floating L -- 6.3.3 Downstep without preceding L -- 6.3.4 On the status of a downstepped tone -- 6.3.5 Total downstep -- 6.3.6 Morphological triggers of downstep -- 6.3.7 H-raising (upstep) -- 6.4 Final lowering -- 6.4.1 On 'preplanning' -- 6.4.2 Grammaticalization of final lowering -- 6.5 Initial high pitch: reset.

6.5.1 Interpreting high beginnings -- 6.6 Three phonetic issues -- 6.6.1 Phonological gradience? -- 6.6.2 Perceived declination and the reference line -- 6.6.3 Measuring declination -- 6.7 Conclusion -- Notes -- 7 Tonal Structures -- 7.1 Introduction -- 7.2 Historical background -- 7.2.1 Autosegmental-Metrical representation -- 7.2.2 Pitch accents and boundary tones -- 7.2.3 Associated and unassociated tones -- 7.2.4 Targets and interpolations -- 7.2.5 Lexical and intonational tones in a single tier -- 7.2.6 Only two tones -- 7.2.7 The 1986 model -- 7.2.8 ToBI -- 7.3 Developments since 1986 -- 7.3.1 Pitch accents -- 7.3.2 Boundary tones -- 7.3.3 Secondary association -- 7.3.4 Phrase accent -- 7.4 Rhythmic adjustments of pitch-accent distribution -- 7.5 Conclusion -- Notes -- 8 Intonation in Optimality Theory -- 8.1 Introduction -- 8.2 Gen, Eval, and Con -- 8.3 OT and the tonal representation -- 8.3.1 Markedness: OCP and NOCONTOUR -- 8.3.2 Faithfulness -- 8.3.3 Association -- 8.3.4 Alignment -- 8.3.5 Violating CONCATENATE -- 8.3.6 Simultaneous satisfaction of opposite alignments -- 8.4 Positional effects -- 8.5 OT and prosodic phrasing -- 8.5.1 Interacting factors in prosodic phrasing -- 8.5.2 Three issues in the Selkirk-Truckenbrodt account -- 8.6 Conclusion -- Notes -- 9 Northern Bizkaian Basque -- 9.1 Introduction -- 9.2 Lexical representations -- 9.3 The Accentual Phrase -- 9.3.1 Default H.L -- 9.3.2 Lexical accent in alpha -- 9.3.3 The pronunciation of Lalpha Halpha -- 9.4 Unaccented alpha without default H*L -- On H spreading -- 9.5 The Intermediate Phrase -- 9.5.1 Downstep -- 9.5.2 Subordinated alpha -- 9.6 The construction of ip -- 9.7 Basque focus -- 9.7.1 Presentational focus -- 9.7.2 Corrective focus -- 9.8 Conclusion -- Notes -- 10 Tokyo Japanese -- 10.1 Introduction -- 10.2 Lexical accent -- 10.3 The alpha.

10.4 The tonal structure of Utterances with one alpha -- 10.5 Phonetic implementation of a one-alpha Utterance -- 10.5.1 Initial Lalpha -- 10.5.2 L… -- 10.5.3 The alpha-final accent -- 10.5.4 Loss of …-final accent -- 10.6 An OT analysis of the tonal structure -- 10.6.1 NoRise -- 10.7 More than one alpha: secondary association and interpolation -- 10.8 The Intermediate Phrase -- 10.9 The Utterance: L… and H… -- 10.10 Japanese focus -- 10.10.1 The left edge of the focus constituent -- 10.10.2 The right edge of the focus constituent -- 10.11 Conclusion -- Notes -- 11 Scandinavian -- 11.1 Introduction -- 11.2 Stockholm Swedish -- 11.2.1 Focus -- Timing of targets -- 11.2.2 Compounds -- 11.3 An OT analysis of Swedish tone -- 11.4 East Norwegian -- 11.4.1 Lexical tone -- 11.4.2 The intonational tones -- 11.4.3 Norwegian focus -- 11.5 An argument for prelinking -- 11.6 Danish -- 11.6.1 Stød -- 11.6.2 The intonational pitch accent in Danish -- 11.7 Conclusion -- Notes -- 12 The Central Franconian Tone -- 12.1 Introduction -- 12.2 Tonogenesis -- 12.3 The first stage -- 12.4 Improving the interrogative contrast -- 12.4.1 Final interrogatives -- 12.4.2 Non-final interrogatives -- 12.4.3 The rise of NORISE -- 12.4.4 NORISE is Iota-final syllables -- 12.5 Improving the contrast in lota-final declaratives -- 12.6 Outside the focus -- 12.7 Other reinterpretations -- 12.7.1 Tongeren delay -- 12.7.2 Venlo's non-salient tones -- 12.7.3 Venlo's lota-final interrogatives -- 12.8 Conclusion -- Notes -- 13 French -- 13.1 Introduction -- 13.2 Prosodic phrasing -- 13.2.1 Basic patterns -- 13.2.2 ω-final accents -- 13.2.3 No ω-initial accents -- 13.2.4 Variation in medial accents -- 13.2.5 Variation in φ-structure -- 13.2.6 Accented function words -- 13.2.7 Phrasing: Summary -- 13.3 The tonal analysis -- 13.3.1 Downstep -- 13.3.2 Cliché mélodique -- 13.3.3 Violating NOCLASH.

13.3.4 Summary of the tonal grammar -- Notes -- 14 English I: Phrasing and Accent Distribution -- 14.1 Introduction -- 14.2 The distribution of pitch accents -- 14.2.1 Deaccentuation in the lexicon -- 14.3 Postlexical rhythm: φ-structure -- 14.3.1 Bracketing effects -- 14.3.2 Why postlexical cyclicity does not work -- 14.3.3 Procliticized φs -- 14.3.4 Focus and φ -- 14.4 Intonational phrases -- 14.4.1 VP-Internal lota-boundaries -- 14.4.2 Introducing size constraints -- 14.4.3 Incorporated and encliticized lotas -- 14.5 Between the φ and the lota -- 14.5.1 Focus and lota -- 14.6 Conclusion -- Notes -- 15 English II: Tonal Structure -- 15.1 Introduction -- 15.2 Nuclear contours -- 15.2.1 The fall, the fall-rise, the high rise, and the low rise -- 15.2.2 The high level, the half-completed rise, and the half-completed fall -- 15.2.3 The low low rise, scathing intonation, and the low level -- 15.2.4 NoSlump -- 15.3 Pre-nuclear pitch accents -- 15.4 Onsets -- 15.5 Expanding the tonal grammar -- 15.5.1 Pre-nuclear fall-rise -- 15.5.2 Delay -- 15.5.3 Downstep -- 15.5.4 Leading H -- 15.5.5 An extended tonal grammar -- 15.6 The vocative chant -- 15.7 Tone Copy -- 15.8 Some comparisons with Pierrehumbert and Beckman's analysis -- 15.9 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Index.

This book provides a survey of research into tone and intonation, and how they are integrated into our grammars.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2019. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.

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