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Modality and Structure in Signed and Spoken Languages.

By: Contributor(s): Publisher: Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2002Copyright date: ©2002Description: 1 online resource (500 pages)Content type:
  • text
Media type:
  • computer
Carrier type:
  • online resource
ISBN:
  • 9780511148590
Subject(s): Genre/Form: Additional physical formats: Print version:: Modality and Structure in Signed and Spoken LanguagesDDC classification:
  • 419
LOC classification:
  • P117 .T4 2000
Online resources:
Contents:
Cover -- Half-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- Contributors -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Why different, why the same? Explaining effects and non-effects of modality upon linguistic structure in sign and speech -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 What's the same? -- 1.3 Why is it timely to revisit the issue of modality effects on linguistic structure? -- 1.4 Why might signed and spoken languages differ? -- 1.4.1 The articulators -- 1.4.2 The sensory or perceptual systems -- 1.4.3 The potential of the visual-gestural modality for iconic representation and for indexic/ostensive identification of… -- 1.4.4 The youth of sign languages and their roots in nonlinguistic gesture -- 1.5 What are possible linguistic outcomes of these modality differences? What, if anything, differs between signed and… -- 1.5.1 Not much -- 1.5.2 Statistical tendencies -- 1.5.3 Preferred typological properties differ between signed and spoken languages -- 1.5.4 Rules or typological patterns that are unique to signed or spoken languages -- 1.5.5 Relative uniformity of signed languages vs. relative diversity of spoken languages -- 1.6 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- 1.7 References -- Part I Phonological structure in signed languages -- References -- 2 Modality differences in sign language phonology and morphophonemics -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Bases for differences in signed and spoken languages -- 2.2.1 Some key differences between vision and audition -- 2.2.2 Introduction to sign language phonology and to the Prosodic Model -- 2.3 The distribution of "consonant" and "vowel" information -- 2.3.1 Consonants and vowels in sign languages -- 2.3.2 Sensitivity to movemen-internal components -- 2.4 Differences concerning segments -- 2.4.1 Segments: Predictable, yet required by the grammar -- 2.4.2 Root nodes and timing slots -- 2.5 Differences at the lexical level.
2.5.1 Word shape -- 2.5.2 Minimal pairs -- 2.6 What comprises a modality-independent phonology? -- Acknowledgments -- 2.7 References -- 3 Beads on a string? Representations of repetition in spoken and signed languages -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Number of repetitions in words and signs -- 3.3 Rhythmic and irregular repetition in words and signs -- 3.4 Representing the data: Multiseg and Oneseg -- 3.4.1 Challenges to Oneseg -- 3.5 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- 3.6 References -- 4 Psycholinguistic investigations of phonological structure in ASL -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Experiment 1: Phonological form-based priming -- 4.2.1 Method -- 4.2.2 Results -- 4.2.3 Discussion -- 4.3 Experiment 2: Phoneme monitoring -- 4.3.1 Method -- 4.3.2 Results -- 4.3.3 Discussion -- 4.4 Experiment 3: Sign picture naming -- 4.4.1 Method -- 4.4.2 Results -- 4.4.3 Discussion -- 4.5 Experiment 4: Phonological similarity -- 4.5.1 Method -- 4.5.2 Results -- 4.5.3 Discussion -- 4.6 General discussion -- Acknowledgments -- 4.7 References -- 5 Modality-dependent aspects of sign language production: Evidence from slips of the hands and their repairs in German… -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Goals and hypotheses -- 5.3 A serial model of language production -- 5.4 Method: Elicitation of slips of the hand -- 5.5 Results -- 5.5.1 Distribution of slip categories and affected entities -- 5.5.2 Selection of original slips of the hand -- 5.5.3 Intra-modal and inter-modal comparison with other slip corpora -- 5.6 The sign language monitor: Repair behavior in DGS -- 5.6.1 Locus of repair: Signed vs. spoken language -- 5.7 Summary and conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- 5.8 References -- 6 The role of Manually Coded English in language development of deaf children -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Language planning and deaf children -- 6.3 An evaluation of Manually Coded English.
6.3.1 Structural properties -- 6.3.2 Nonlinear affixation -- 6.3.3 Linear affixation -- 6.3.4 MCE acquisition -- 6.4 Discussion and conclusions -- 6.5 References -- Part II Gesture and iconicity in sign and speech -- References -- 7 A modality-free notion of gesture and how it can help us with the morpheme vs. gesture question in sign language… -- 7.1 Liddell's proposal that there are gestures in agreement verbs -- 7.2 Objections to the proposal -- 7.3 The morpheme vs. gesture question -- 7.3.1 What is a morpheme? -- 7.3.2 What is a gesture? -- 7.4 Spoken gesture -- 7.5 The criteria -- 7.5.1 The determination of conventionalization is a problem -- 7.5.2 The determination of the site of conventionalization is important -- 7.5.3 Restrictions on the combination of the gestural and the linguistic -- 7.6 Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- References -- 8 Gesture as the substrate in the process of ASL grammaticization -- 8.1 Introduction -- 8.2 Markers of modality -- 8.2.1 FUTURE -- 8.2.2 CAN -- 8.2.3 MUST -- 8.3 The grammaticization of topic -- 8.3.1 The communicative questioning gesture -- 8.3.2 Yes-no questions -- 8.3.3 From yes-no questions to topic marking -- 8.3.4 Textual domain topics: A further grammaticization step -- 8.4 Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- 8.5 References -- 9 A crosslinguistic examination of the lexicons of four signed languages -- 9.1 Introduction -- 9.2 Methodology -- 9.3 Results -- 9.4 Discussion -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Part III Syntax in sign: Few or no effects of modality -- References -- 10 Where are all the modality effects? -- 10.1 Introduction -- 10.2 The autonomy of syntax -- 10.2.1 Autonomy and signed languages -- 10.3 "Spatial syntax" -- 10.3.1 The use of space in pronouns and verb agreement -- 10.4 Is space really syntax? -- 10.4.1 The traditional view -- 10.4.2 The problem.
10.4.3 Why there is verb agreement in ASL -- 10.5 An alternative analysis employing agreement -- 10.5.1 Predictions of this account -- 10.6 Other alternatives -- 10.7 Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- 10.8 References -- 11 Applying morphosyntactic and phonological readjustment rules in natural language negation -- 11.1 Introduction -- 11.2 Distributed morphology -- 11.3 The derivation of negated sentences -- 11.3.1 French -- 11.3.2 Háusá -- 11.3.3 Gã (Gan) -- 11.3.4 German Sign Language (DGS) -- 11.3.5 Motivating split negation in DGS: A comparison with ASL -- 11.4 More languages, more readjustments -- 11.5 Discussion: What about modality effects? -- 11.6 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- 11.7 References -- 12 Nominal expressions in Hong Kong Sign Language: Does modality make a difference? -- 12.1 Introduction -- 12.2 Nominal expressions of HKSL -- 12.3 Determiners -- 12.3.1 Definite determiners -- 12.3.2 Indefinite determiners -- 12.4 Pronouns -- 12.5 Possessives -- 12.6 Predominance of bare nouns: An indication of modality effects? -- 12.7 Mental spaces and nominal expressions: Toward an explanation -- 12.7.1 Bare nouns -- 12.7.2 Determiners -- 12.7.3 Pronouns -- 12.7.4 Possessives -- 12.8 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- 12.9 References -- Part IV Using space and describing space: Pronouns, classifiers, and verb agreement -- References -- 13 Pronominal reference in signed and spoken language: Are grammatical categories modality-dependent? -- 13.1 Introduction -- 13.2 Pronominal systems across signed and spoken languages -- 13.2.1 Typological variation in spoken language pronominal systems -- 13.2.2 Typological variation in signed language pronominal systems -- 13.3 Pronominal reference in signed languages: Typological considerations -- 13.3.1 Typological homogeneity -- 13.3.2 Morphophonological exclusivity -- 13.3.3 Morphological paradigm.
13.3.4 Referential specificity -- 13.4 Spatial marking in pronominal systems -- 13.4.1 Spatial marking in spoken language pronominal systems -- 13.4.2 Spatial marking: Spoken and signed languages compared -- 13.5 The modality/medium distinction -- 13.6 Sign language pronouns revisited -- 13.6.1 Number marking in signed language pronominal systems -- 13.6.2 Person marking in sign language pronominal systems -- 13.6.3 Gender marking in signed languages -- 13.7 Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- 13.8 References -- 14 Is verb agreement the same crossmodally? -- 14.1 Introduction -- 14.2 A working definition of verb agreement -- 14.3 Literature review on verb agreement in signed language(s) -- 14.3.1 Classic view -- 14.3.2 Simultaneity view -- 14.3.3 Sequentiality/simultaneity view -- 14.3.4 R-locus view -- 14.3.5 Liddell's view -- 14.4 On the linguistic nature of verb agreement in signed languages -- 14.4.1 Infinity issue = listability issue -- 14.4.2 The representation of linguistic information in verb agreement -- 14.5 Reconciling the linguistic nature of verb agreement with the listability issue -- 14.6 Modality differences in the application of the architecture of grammar to verb agreement: A proposal -- 14.6.1 Adapting an architecture of grammar -- 14.6.2 Modality differences in the use of the gestural space -- 14.6.3 Phonetic gaps in verb agreement -- 14.7 Modality effects: Morphological processes for verb agreement -- 14.7.1 Spoken languages -- 14.7.2 Signed languages -- 14.7.3 Implications -- 14.7.4 Recreolization -- 14.8 Summary -- Acknowledgments -- 14.9 References -- 15 The effects of modality on spatial language: How signers and speakers talk about space -- 15.1 Introduction -- 15.2 Modality effects and the nature of addressee vs. speaker perspective in spatial descriptions -- 15.3 Spatial formats and route vs. survey perspective choice.
15.4 How speakers and addressees interpret signing space: Reversed space, mirrored space, and shared space.
Summary: Signed languages are the visual-gestural languages of deaf communities. This book investigates their linguistic properties.
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Cover -- Half-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- Contributors -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Why different, why the same? Explaining effects and non-effects of modality upon linguistic structure in sign and speech -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 What's the same? -- 1.3 Why is it timely to revisit the issue of modality effects on linguistic structure? -- 1.4 Why might signed and spoken languages differ? -- 1.4.1 The articulators -- 1.4.2 The sensory or perceptual systems -- 1.4.3 The potential of the visual-gestural modality for iconic representation and for indexic/ostensive identification of… -- 1.4.4 The youth of sign languages and their roots in nonlinguistic gesture -- 1.5 What are possible linguistic outcomes of these modality differences? What, if anything, differs between signed and… -- 1.5.1 Not much -- 1.5.2 Statistical tendencies -- 1.5.3 Preferred typological properties differ between signed and spoken languages -- 1.5.4 Rules or typological patterns that are unique to signed or spoken languages -- 1.5.5 Relative uniformity of signed languages vs. relative diversity of spoken languages -- 1.6 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- 1.7 References -- Part I Phonological structure in signed languages -- References -- 2 Modality differences in sign language phonology and morphophonemics -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Bases for differences in signed and spoken languages -- 2.2.1 Some key differences between vision and audition -- 2.2.2 Introduction to sign language phonology and to the Prosodic Model -- 2.3 The distribution of "consonant" and "vowel" information -- 2.3.1 Consonants and vowels in sign languages -- 2.3.2 Sensitivity to movemen-internal components -- 2.4 Differences concerning segments -- 2.4.1 Segments: Predictable, yet required by the grammar -- 2.4.2 Root nodes and timing slots -- 2.5 Differences at the lexical level.

2.5.1 Word shape -- 2.5.2 Minimal pairs -- 2.6 What comprises a modality-independent phonology? -- Acknowledgments -- 2.7 References -- 3 Beads on a string? Representations of repetition in spoken and signed languages -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Number of repetitions in words and signs -- 3.3 Rhythmic and irregular repetition in words and signs -- 3.4 Representing the data: Multiseg and Oneseg -- 3.4.1 Challenges to Oneseg -- 3.5 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- 3.6 References -- 4 Psycholinguistic investigations of phonological structure in ASL -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Experiment 1: Phonological form-based priming -- 4.2.1 Method -- 4.2.2 Results -- 4.2.3 Discussion -- 4.3 Experiment 2: Phoneme monitoring -- 4.3.1 Method -- 4.3.2 Results -- 4.3.3 Discussion -- 4.4 Experiment 3: Sign picture naming -- 4.4.1 Method -- 4.4.2 Results -- 4.4.3 Discussion -- 4.5 Experiment 4: Phonological similarity -- 4.5.1 Method -- 4.5.2 Results -- 4.5.3 Discussion -- 4.6 General discussion -- Acknowledgments -- 4.7 References -- 5 Modality-dependent aspects of sign language production: Evidence from slips of the hands and their repairs in German… -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Goals and hypotheses -- 5.3 A serial model of language production -- 5.4 Method: Elicitation of slips of the hand -- 5.5 Results -- 5.5.1 Distribution of slip categories and affected entities -- 5.5.2 Selection of original slips of the hand -- 5.5.3 Intra-modal and inter-modal comparison with other slip corpora -- 5.6 The sign language monitor: Repair behavior in DGS -- 5.6.1 Locus of repair: Signed vs. spoken language -- 5.7 Summary and conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- 5.8 References -- 6 The role of Manually Coded English in language development of deaf children -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Language planning and deaf children -- 6.3 An evaluation of Manually Coded English.

6.3.1 Structural properties -- 6.3.2 Nonlinear affixation -- 6.3.3 Linear affixation -- 6.3.4 MCE acquisition -- 6.4 Discussion and conclusions -- 6.5 References -- Part II Gesture and iconicity in sign and speech -- References -- 7 A modality-free notion of gesture and how it can help us with the morpheme vs. gesture question in sign language… -- 7.1 Liddell's proposal that there are gestures in agreement verbs -- 7.2 Objections to the proposal -- 7.3 The morpheme vs. gesture question -- 7.3.1 What is a morpheme? -- 7.3.2 What is a gesture? -- 7.4 Spoken gesture -- 7.5 The criteria -- 7.5.1 The determination of conventionalization is a problem -- 7.5.2 The determination of the site of conventionalization is important -- 7.5.3 Restrictions on the combination of the gestural and the linguistic -- 7.6 Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- References -- 8 Gesture as the substrate in the process of ASL grammaticization -- 8.1 Introduction -- 8.2 Markers of modality -- 8.2.1 FUTURE -- 8.2.2 CAN -- 8.2.3 MUST -- 8.3 The grammaticization of topic -- 8.3.1 The communicative questioning gesture -- 8.3.2 Yes-no questions -- 8.3.3 From yes-no questions to topic marking -- 8.3.4 Textual domain topics: A further grammaticization step -- 8.4 Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- 8.5 References -- 9 A crosslinguistic examination of the lexicons of four signed languages -- 9.1 Introduction -- 9.2 Methodology -- 9.3 Results -- 9.4 Discussion -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Part III Syntax in sign: Few or no effects of modality -- References -- 10 Where are all the modality effects? -- 10.1 Introduction -- 10.2 The autonomy of syntax -- 10.2.1 Autonomy and signed languages -- 10.3 "Spatial syntax" -- 10.3.1 The use of space in pronouns and verb agreement -- 10.4 Is space really syntax? -- 10.4.1 The traditional view -- 10.4.2 The problem.

10.4.3 Why there is verb agreement in ASL -- 10.5 An alternative analysis employing agreement -- 10.5.1 Predictions of this account -- 10.6 Other alternatives -- 10.7 Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- 10.8 References -- 11 Applying morphosyntactic and phonological readjustment rules in natural language negation -- 11.1 Introduction -- 11.2 Distributed morphology -- 11.3 The derivation of negated sentences -- 11.3.1 French -- 11.3.2 Háusá -- 11.3.3 Gã (Gan) -- 11.3.4 German Sign Language (DGS) -- 11.3.5 Motivating split negation in DGS: A comparison with ASL -- 11.4 More languages, more readjustments -- 11.5 Discussion: What about modality effects? -- 11.6 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- 11.7 References -- 12 Nominal expressions in Hong Kong Sign Language: Does modality make a difference? -- 12.1 Introduction -- 12.2 Nominal expressions of HKSL -- 12.3 Determiners -- 12.3.1 Definite determiners -- 12.3.2 Indefinite determiners -- 12.4 Pronouns -- 12.5 Possessives -- 12.6 Predominance of bare nouns: An indication of modality effects? -- 12.7 Mental spaces and nominal expressions: Toward an explanation -- 12.7.1 Bare nouns -- 12.7.2 Determiners -- 12.7.3 Pronouns -- 12.7.4 Possessives -- 12.8 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- 12.9 References -- Part IV Using space and describing space: Pronouns, classifiers, and verb agreement -- References -- 13 Pronominal reference in signed and spoken language: Are grammatical categories modality-dependent? -- 13.1 Introduction -- 13.2 Pronominal systems across signed and spoken languages -- 13.2.1 Typological variation in spoken language pronominal systems -- 13.2.2 Typological variation in signed language pronominal systems -- 13.3 Pronominal reference in signed languages: Typological considerations -- 13.3.1 Typological homogeneity -- 13.3.2 Morphophonological exclusivity -- 13.3.3 Morphological paradigm.

13.3.4 Referential specificity -- 13.4 Spatial marking in pronominal systems -- 13.4.1 Spatial marking in spoken language pronominal systems -- 13.4.2 Spatial marking: Spoken and signed languages compared -- 13.5 The modality/medium distinction -- 13.6 Sign language pronouns revisited -- 13.6.1 Number marking in signed language pronominal systems -- 13.6.2 Person marking in sign language pronominal systems -- 13.6.3 Gender marking in signed languages -- 13.7 Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- 13.8 References -- 14 Is verb agreement the same crossmodally? -- 14.1 Introduction -- 14.2 A working definition of verb agreement -- 14.3 Literature review on verb agreement in signed language(s) -- 14.3.1 Classic view -- 14.3.2 Simultaneity view -- 14.3.3 Sequentiality/simultaneity view -- 14.3.4 R-locus view -- 14.3.5 Liddell's view -- 14.4 On the linguistic nature of verb agreement in signed languages -- 14.4.1 Infinity issue = listability issue -- 14.4.2 The representation of linguistic information in verb agreement -- 14.5 Reconciling the linguistic nature of verb agreement with the listability issue -- 14.6 Modality differences in the application of the architecture of grammar to verb agreement: A proposal -- 14.6.1 Adapting an architecture of grammar -- 14.6.2 Modality differences in the use of the gestural space -- 14.6.3 Phonetic gaps in verb agreement -- 14.7 Modality effects: Morphological processes for verb agreement -- 14.7.1 Spoken languages -- 14.7.2 Signed languages -- 14.7.3 Implications -- 14.7.4 Recreolization -- 14.8 Summary -- Acknowledgments -- 14.9 References -- 15 The effects of modality on spatial language: How signers and speakers talk about space -- 15.1 Introduction -- 15.2 Modality effects and the nature of addressee vs. speaker perspective in spatial descriptions -- 15.3 Spatial formats and route vs. survey perspective choice.

15.4 How speakers and addressees interpret signing space: Reversed space, mirrored space, and shared space.

Signed languages are the visual-gestural languages of deaf communities. This book investigates their linguistic properties.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2019. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.

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