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A-Bar Syntax : A Study in Movement Types.

By: Series: Studies in Generative Grammar [SGG] SerPublisher: Berlin/Boston : De Gruyter, Inc., 2012Copyright date: ©1995Description: 1 online resource (492 pages)Content type:
  • text
Media type:
  • computer
Carrier type:
  • online resource
ISBN:
  • 9783110814286
Subject(s): Genre/Form: Additional physical formats: Print version:: A-Bar Syntax : A Study in Movement TypesDDC classification:
  • 415
LOC classification:
  • P291.M828 1995eb
Online resources:
Contents:
Intro -- 1 Introduction -- 1. Movement Type Asymmetries -- 2. Overview -- 2 Wh-Movement At S-Structure -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. Proper Government And Subjacency -- 2.1. Conditions On The Moved Item -- 2.2. Improper Movement -- 2.3. Barriers -- 3. Barriers In Situ -- 3.1. Vp -- 3.2. Ip -- 3.3. Cp -- 3.4. Np -- 3.5. Np-Shells And Finite Complement Clauses -- 3.6. Infinitives -- 3.7. Cnpc Effects -- 3.8. Pp -- 3.9. Ap -- 4. Barriers In Derived Positions -- 4.1. A-Movement -- 4.2. Scrambling -- 4.3. Topicalization -- 4.4. Wh-Movement -- 5. Adjunct Barriers -- 5.1. Finite Adjunct Clauses -- 5.2. Non-Finite Adjunct Clauses -- 6. Conclusion -- 3 Scrambling -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. Basic Properties -- 2.1. Optionality -- 2.2. Iterability -- 2.3. The Structure Of Scrambling Chains -- 3. Adjunction Sites -- 3.1. Adjunction To Vp And Ip -- 3.2. Adjunction To Xp -- 4. Locality -- 4.1. Clause-Bound Scrambling -- 4.2. Long-Distance Scrambling -- 5. Operator Scrambling -- 5.1. Illicit Operator Scrambling In German -- 5.2. Operator Scrambling In Korean And Japanese -- 5.3. Operator Scrambling In Russian -- 5.4. Full Representation -- 6. Categorial Selectivity -- 7. Anaphoric Binding -- 8. Strong Crossover -- 9. Weak Crossover -- 10. Parasitic Gaps -- 11. Reconstruction -- 12. Conclusion -- 4 Dative Movement -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. The Paradox: Movement Vs. Binding -- 3. Vp-Structure -- 3.1. Larson'S Approach -- 3.2. Arguments Against Larson'S Approach -- 3.3. Vp-Structure In Sov Languages -- 3.4. Vp-Structure In Svo Languages -- 4. Barriers Revisited -- 4.1. The Islandhood Of Dative Nps -- 4.2. The Role Of Selection -- 4.3. Incorporation From Specifier Positions -- 5. Anaphoric Binding -- 5.1. Binding Of Anaphors In German -- 5.2. Parametric Variation -- 5.3. Binding Of Reciprocals -- 6. Pronominal Reference.
6.1. The Data -- 6.2. Blocking Coreference With An Io Pronoun -- 7. Weak Crossover -- 7.1. The Vp-Internal Distribution Of Bound-Variable Pronouns -- 7.2. Webelhuth'S Paradox -- 8. A-Bar Movement -- 8.1. The Data -- 8.2. Previous Analyses -- 8.3. A Pub Account -- 9. Passivization -- 9.1. Passivization In German Double Object Constructions -- 9.2. Passivization In Danish Double Object Constructions -- 9.3. Passivization In Norwegian Double Object Constructions -- 9.4. Passivization In English Double Object Constructions -- 9.5. Passivization In West Flemish Double Object Constructions -- 10. Free Datives -- 10.1. The Phenomenon -- 10.2. Do Free Datives Originate In An Np? -- 10.3. Free Datives Originate In Specμ -- 11. Conclusion -- 12. Appendices -- 12.1. Appendix 1: On Vp-Shells -- 12.2. Appendix 2: Particle Distribution -- 12.3. Appendix 3: Empty Prepositions -- 12.4. Appendix 4: Focus Projection -- 5 Wh-Movement At Lf -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. Superiority And A Constraint On Wh-Adjuncts In Situ -- 3. Wh-In-Situ In German -- 4. Ip As An Lf Barrier -- 4.1. Ip As An S-Structure Barrier -- 4.2. Barriers And Wh-In-Situ In English -- 4.3. Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In English -- 4.4. On S-Structural Adjunct Movement -- 4.5. Wh-In-Situ In French -- 5. Co-Indexing Of I And C -- 5.1. Short Wh-Movement At Lf In German -- 5.2. Successive-Cyclic Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In German -- 5.3. Islands For Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In German -- 6. Adjunction To Ip -- 6.1. Ip Barriers And Unambiguous Binding -- 6.2. Lf Movement Without Traces? -- 7. Wh-In-Situ Languages -- 8. Multiple Wh-Movement At S-Structure -- 9. Residual Issues -- 9.1. Lf Movement Of Subjects -- 9.2. Lexical Government Or θ-Government? -- 9.3. Residual Superiority Effects -- 10. Conclusion -- 6 Topicalization -- 1. Introduction And Overview.
2. Topicalization Is Not Adjunction -- 2.1. Iterability -- 2.2. Long-Distance Movement -- 2.3. Clause-Bound Movement -- 2.4. Verb Raising -- 2.5. Locality -- 2.6. Bridge Contexts -- 3. Topicalization Is Not Movement To Specc -- 3.1. Complementizers -- 3.2. V/2 Movement -- 3.3. Long-Distance Topicalization, Topic Islands, And Wh-Islands -- 3.4. Long-Distance Wh-Movement, Topic Islands, And Wh- Islands -- 4. Topicalization Is Movement To Spect -- 4.1. The Proposal -- 4.2. The Non-Existence Of Wh-Topicalization -- 4.3. Successive-Cyclic Topicalization -- 5. The Specifier Criterion -- 6. The Distribution Of Embedded Topicalization -- 7. C And T In German -- 8. C And T In English -- 9. Topic Islands -- 10. Wh-Islands -- 11. Infinitives -- 12. Root Clauses -- 13. Conclusion -- 7 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Index.
Summary: The architecture of the human language faculty has been one of the main foci of the linguistic research of the last half century. This branch of linguistics, broadly known as Generative Grammar, is concerned with the formulation of explanatory formal accounts of linguistic phenomena with the ulterior goal of gaining insight into the properties of the 'language organ'. The series comprises high quality monographs and collected volumes that address such issues. The topics in this series range from phonology to semantics, from syntax to information structure, from mathematical linguistics to studies of the lexicon.
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Intro -- 1 Introduction -- 1. Movement Type Asymmetries -- 2. Overview -- 2 Wh-Movement At S-Structure -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. Proper Government And Subjacency -- 2.1. Conditions On The Moved Item -- 2.2. Improper Movement -- 2.3. Barriers -- 3. Barriers In Situ -- 3.1. Vp -- 3.2. Ip -- 3.3. Cp -- 3.4. Np -- 3.5. Np-Shells And Finite Complement Clauses -- 3.6. Infinitives -- 3.7. Cnpc Effects -- 3.8. Pp -- 3.9. Ap -- 4. Barriers In Derived Positions -- 4.1. A-Movement -- 4.2. Scrambling -- 4.3. Topicalization -- 4.4. Wh-Movement -- 5. Adjunct Barriers -- 5.1. Finite Adjunct Clauses -- 5.2. Non-Finite Adjunct Clauses -- 6. Conclusion -- 3 Scrambling -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. Basic Properties -- 2.1. Optionality -- 2.2. Iterability -- 2.3. The Structure Of Scrambling Chains -- 3. Adjunction Sites -- 3.1. Adjunction To Vp And Ip -- 3.2. Adjunction To Xp -- 4. Locality -- 4.1. Clause-Bound Scrambling -- 4.2. Long-Distance Scrambling -- 5. Operator Scrambling -- 5.1. Illicit Operator Scrambling In German -- 5.2. Operator Scrambling In Korean And Japanese -- 5.3. Operator Scrambling In Russian -- 5.4. Full Representation -- 6. Categorial Selectivity -- 7. Anaphoric Binding -- 8. Strong Crossover -- 9. Weak Crossover -- 10. Parasitic Gaps -- 11. Reconstruction -- 12. Conclusion -- 4 Dative Movement -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. The Paradox: Movement Vs. Binding -- 3. Vp-Structure -- 3.1. Larson'S Approach -- 3.2. Arguments Against Larson'S Approach -- 3.3. Vp-Structure In Sov Languages -- 3.4. Vp-Structure In Svo Languages -- 4. Barriers Revisited -- 4.1. The Islandhood Of Dative Nps -- 4.2. The Role Of Selection -- 4.3. Incorporation From Specifier Positions -- 5. Anaphoric Binding -- 5.1. Binding Of Anaphors In German -- 5.2. Parametric Variation -- 5.3. Binding Of Reciprocals -- 6. Pronominal Reference.

6.1. The Data -- 6.2. Blocking Coreference With An Io Pronoun -- 7. Weak Crossover -- 7.1. The Vp-Internal Distribution Of Bound-Variable Pronouns -- 7.2. Webelhuth'S Paradox -- 8. A-Bar Movement -- 8.1. The Data -- 8.2. Previous Analyses -- 8.3. A Pub Account -- 9. Passivization -- 9.1. Passivization In German Double Object Constructions -- 9.2. Passivization In Danish Double Object Constructions -- 9.3. Passivization In Norwegian Double Object Constructions -- 9.4. Passivization In English Double Object Constructions -- 9.5. Passivization In West Flemish Double Object Constructions -- 10. Free Datives -- 10.1. The Phenomenon -- 10.2. Do Free Datives Originate In An Np? -- 10.3. Free Datives Originate In Specμ -- 11. Conclusion -- 12. Appendices -- 12.1. Appendix 1: On Vp-Shells -- 12.2. Appendix 2: Particle Distribution -- 12.3. Appendix 3: Empty Prepositions -- 12.4. Appendix 4: Focus Projection -- 5 Wh-Movement At Lf -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. Superiority And A Constraint On Wh-Adjuncts In Situ -- 3. Wh-In-Situ In German -- 4. Ip As An Lf Barrier -- 4.1. Ip As An S-Structure Barrier -- 4.2. Barriers And Wh-In-Situ In English -- 4.3. Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In English -- 4.4. On S-Structural Adjunct Movement -- 4.5. Wh-In-Situ In French -- 5. Co-Indexing Of I And C -- 5.1. Short Wh-Movement At Lf In German -- 5.2. Successive-Cyclic Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In German -- 5.3. Islands For Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In German -- 6. Adjunction To Ip -- 6.1. Ip Barriers And Unambiguous Binding -- 6.2. Lf Movement Without Traces? -- 7. Wh-In-Situ Languages -- 8. Multiple Wh-Movement At S-Structure -- 9. Residual Issues -- 9.1. Lf Movement Of Subjects -- 9.2. Lexical Government Or θ-Government? -- 9.3. Residual Superiority Effects -- 10. Conclusion -- 6 Topicalization -- 1. Introduction And Overview.

2. Topicalization Is Not Adjunction -- 2.1. Iterability -- 2.2. Long-Distance Movement -- 2.3. Clause-Bound Movement -- 2.4. Verb Raising -- 2.5. Locality -- 2.6. Bridge Contexts -- 3. Topicalization Is Not Movement To Specc -- 3.1. Complementizers -- 3.2. V/2 Movement -- 3.3. Long-Distance Topicalization, Topic Islands, And Wh-Islands -- 3.4. Long-Distance Wh-Movement, Topic Islands, And Wh- Islands -- 4. Topicalization Is Movement To Spect -- 4.1. The Proposal -- 4.2. The Non-Existence Of Wh-Topicalization -- 4.3. Successive-Cyclic Topicalization -- 5. The Specifier Criterion -- 6. The Distribution Of Embedded Topicalization -- 7. C And T In German -- 8. C And T In English -- 9. Topic Islands -- 10. Wh-Islands -- 11. Infinitives -- 12. Root Clauses -- 13. Conclusion -- 7 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Index.

The architecture of the human language faculty has been one of the main foci of the linguistic research of the last half century. This branch of linguistics, broadly known as Generative Grammar, is concerned with the formulation of explanatory formal accounts of linguistic phenomena with the ulterior goal of gaining insight into the properties of the 'language organ'. The series comprises high quality monographs and collected volumes that address such issues. The topics in this series range from phonology to semantics, from syntax to information structure, from mathematical linguistics to studies of the lexicon.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2019. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.

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