On Diversity and Complexity of Languages Spoken in Europe and North and Central Asia.

By: Suihkonen, Pirkko
Contributor(s): Whaley, Lindsay J
Series: Studies in Language Companion Series: Publisher: Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2014Copyright date: ©2014Description: 1 online resource (455 pages)Content type: text Media type: computer Carrier type: online resourceISBN: 9789027269362Subject(s): Language and languages -- Variation.;Linguistic change.;Multilingualism -- Europe.;Multilingualism -- Asia.;Discourse analysis -- Social aspects -- Europe.;Discourse analysis -- Social aspects -- Asia.;Typology (Linguistics)Genre/Form: Electronic books. Additional physical formats: Print version:: On Diversity and Complexity of Languages Spoken in Europe and North and Central AsiaDDC classification: 415 LOC classification: P120.V37 -- .O5 2014ebOnline resources: Click to View
Contents:
On Diversity and Complexity of Languages Spoken in Europe and North and Central Asia -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of content -- List of contributors -- Preface -- Introduction -- I. Verbal categories and processes in categorization -- II. Syntactic functions and case marking -- III. Clause combining and discourse -- IV. Historical issues -- References -- The tense-aspect system of Khorchin -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Preliminaries -- 3. Data collection and research methdology -- 4. Structure of the Khorchin TA system -- 5. Markers of the Khorchin TA system -- 5.1 Central system -- 5.1.1 The Non-Past Non-Progressive -na -- 5.1.2 The Past Non-Imperfective -zE -- 5.1.3 Present Progressive and Past Imperfective -- 5.1.4 Prospectives -- 5.1.5 Markers of resultativity, iterativity and continuativity -- 5.2 Minor simple forms and their combinability -- 5.2.1 -sen -- 5.2.2 -lE -- 5.2.3 -i -- 5.3 Non-verbal predications -- 5.4 Non-temporal and non-aspectual notions -- 5.4.1 -tqeg- as a marker of dissatisfaction -- 5.4.2 gene and other means related to evidentiality -- 5.4.3 Long vs. short suffix variants -- 6. Areal and diachronic factors: A preliminary evaluation -- References -- Locational and directional relations and tense and aspect marking in Chalkan, a South Siberian Turkic language -- 1. Introduction: Locational and directional relations and tense and aspect marking in Chalkan, a South Siberian Turkic language -- 2. Morphological structure of South Siberian Turkic -- 3. An outline of biverbal constructions and their grammaticalization paths in South Siberian Turkic -- 3.1 Biverbal constructions -- 3.2 Aktionsart -- 3.3 Aspect-temporal forms -- 3.4 Forms of modality and mood -- 3.5 Combinations of various biverbal constructions -- 4. From an actional form to an aspect-temporal one -- 5. Chalkans and their language.
6. Chalkan tense and aspect forms - synthesized biverbal constructions -- 6.1 Present tense form -(p)t'(їt) -- 6.2 "Present-Future" form -At -- 6.3 Habitual form -y/A+tAn ~ -y/X+tXn < -y/A tur-ġan -- 6.4 Imperfect form ‑(p)trAn ~ -(p)tAn ~ -(p)tXn -- 6.5 The imperfect participle form -(p)ten -- 6.6 Contamination of the habitual and imperfect forms -- 6.7 The Indirective form -(p)tXr < V-(X)p turur -- 6.8 The Indirective form -(p)t'er < V-(X)p t'at-(X)p turur -- 7. Conclusions and discussion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Internet sources -- Conspiring motivations for causative and passive isomorphism -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Background -- 3. Morphological causatives and passives in Xibe -- 4. Functional explanation -- 4.1 Condition 1: 'Give' as a matrix verb functioning as an analytic causative -- 4.2 Condition 2: Matrix verbs become auxiliaries, and/or derivational suffixes -- 4.3 Condition 3: Subjects and accusative case markers are often omitted -- 4.4 The path to causative/passive isomorphism -- 5. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Appendix - the corpus -- Spatial semantics, case and relator nouns in Evenki -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Overview of the cases -- 3. The semantics of space -- 3.1 The spatial cases -- 3.2 Spatial deixis -- 3.3 Spatial relations and relator nouns -- 4. Conclusion: Spatial relations and grammaticalization -- Abbreviations -- References -- A survey of alignment features in the Greater Hindukush with special references to Indo-Aryan -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Greater Hindukush -- 3. Alignment features -- 4. Typological variation -- 4.1 Accusative alignment (Khowar, Kalasha) -- 4.2 Nominal ergativity with verbal accusativity (Gilgiti, Kohistani Shina) -- 4.3 Nominal tripartite alignment with verbal accusativity (Gawarbati, Dameli) -- 4.4 Nominal tripartite alignment with verbal ergativity (Palula, Gawri).
4.5 Nominal ergativity with "simultaneous" A and P agreement (Kashmiri) -- 4.6 Nominal tripartite alignment with "simultaneous" A and P agreement (Pashai) -- 4.7 Summary of findings -- 5. Alignment changes and the mechanisms behind -- 5.1 Markedness reduction and universal tendencies -- 5.2 Areal pressures -- 5.2.1 North-eastern agenthood -- 5.2.2 Western patienthood -- 5.2.3 Southern P-agreement -- 6. Conclusion -- 7. Directions for further research -- Abbreviations -- References -- Between predicative and attributive possession in Bashkir -- 1. Setting the stage -- 2. Language, data and method -- 3. Types of uses -- 4. Constituency-related properties -- 4.1 Separability -- 4.2 Personal pronouns and proper names as possessees -- 4.3 Interrogative and negative pronouns as possessees -- 4.4 Relativization: Possessor remaining within the relative clause -- 4.5 Pronominal possessors: Presence of a free pronoun -- 4.6 Ellipsis of the possessee -- 5. Generalizations and discussion -- 6. On the nature of external-possessor constructions: A speculation -- Abbreviations -- References -- Areal features of copula sentences in Karaim as spoken in Lithuania -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The inventory of the Karaim copulas -- 3. Types of copula sentences -- 4. Zero copula vs. overt copula in predicational sentences -- 5. Nominative vs. instrumental nominal predicates -- 6. Existential copula sentences -- 7. Possessive existential sentences -- 8. Specificational copula sentences -- 9. The Karaim copy of bywać and бывать 'to be often' -- 10. Resultatives -- 11. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Non-past copular markers in Turkish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morpho-syntactic and structural characteristics of non-past copular markers -- 2.1 Simple subject markers of pronominal type -- 2.2 The enclitic '-DIr' -- 2.3 Copular verbs based on non-past forms.
3. Semantic, clausal and discursive properties of non-past copular markers -- 3.1 Simple subject markers of pronominal type -- 3.1.1 Semantic and clausal properties -- 3.1.1 Discursive uses -- 3.2 The enclitic '-DIr' -- 3.2.1 Semantic properties -- 3.2.2 Discursive uses -- 3.2.3 Clausal properties and distinctive means -- 3.3 The verbal copular marker 'olur' -- 3.3.1 'Olur' as a habitual or modal copular marker -- 3.3.2 'Olur' as a presentation marker -- 3.4 The verbal copular marker 'oluyor' -- 4. Summary -- Abbreviations -- References -- Sources for examples -- On the distribution of the contrastive-concessive discourse connectives ama 'but/yet' and fakat 'but' in written Turkish -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The data -- 1.2 Outline of the paper -- 2. Method of sense annotations on ama- and fakat-tokens in TDB -- 3. Ama and fakat: How are they similar and different? -- 3.1 Where do we find ama and fakat in the sentence? -- 3.2 Where in the discourse do ama and fakat find their first argument? -- 3.2.1 Attribution, fragments, vocatives and tag questions -- 3.2.2 Elaborations -- 3.2.3 Co-occurring connectives -- 4. What do ama and fakat convey? How are they distributed across genres? -- 5. Summary and conclusions -- Abbreviations -- References -- Appendix -- Anaphora in Ossetic correlatives and the typology of clause combining -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Correlatives and other subordinate clause types in Ossetic -- 2.1 Subordinators and correlates -- 2.2. The position of the subordinate clause -- 2.3 "Omission" of the correlate -- 2.4 Coordinating inversion -- 2.5 "Asyndetic" correlatives -- 2.6 Multiple correlatives -- 2.6.1 Restrictions on the use of subordinators -- 2.6.2 Restrictions on the correlate -- 2.6.3 Semantics -- 2.7 Embedded questions -- 2.8 Summary: Types of finite subordination in Ossetic -- 3. Non-total coreference in Ossetic correlatives.
3.1 Split antecedents -- 3.2 Bridging -- 4. The anaphoric analysis -- 5. Anaphoric correlatives and similar constructions beyond Ossetic -- 5.1 Iranian languages -- 5.2 Mande languages -- 5.3 Interrogatives as indefinites -- 6. Conclusions -- Abbreviations -- References -- Kinds of evidentiality in German complement clauses -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Hypothesis and Methodology -- 3. Speech acts and evidential functions of complex utterances -- 4. Channels of evidence acquisition -- 4.1 Evoked cognitive evidence -- 4.2 Sensory evidence -- 4.3 Reported evidence -- 4.4 Demonstrated evidence -- 4.5 Evidence and the direction of information flow -- 5. Evidentiality and grammar in complex utterances -- 5.1 Information and its source -- 5.2 Category of person and information mediating -- 5.3 Category of tense and evidential kinds -- 5.4 Connector and the evidential kind -- 6. Evidential viewpoints in the narration -- 7. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Cited sources -- Evidentiality in Dzungar Tuvan -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The goal of this article -- 1.2 The socio-linguistic situation of Dzungar Tuvan -- 1.3 Grammar theory and terminology of this article -- 1.4 The representation of evidentiality in Turkic languages -- 2. Evidentiality in the finite system -- 2.1 The finite verb forms and their use in the different text types -- 2.1.1 The relation between text type and speaker's perspective -- 2.2 The finite evidentiality markers -(I)pdur and irgin -- 2.2.1 Evidentiality marking in the synchronous report -- 2.2.2 Evidentiality marking in the deictic description -- 2.2.3 Evidentiality marking in the direct-perspective narrative -- 2.2.4 Evidentiality marking in the indirect-perspective narrative -- 2.2.5 Evidentiality marking in the epic narrative -- 2.2.6 Evidentiality marking in the prospective narrative.
3. Evidentiality in complement clauses.
Summary: In this article, the historical development of sentential negation is compared across the Japonic, Koreanic, Tungusic, Mongolic, and Turkic languages to make inferences about the expression of negation in the common Transeurasian proto-language. Integrating typological considerations, including grammaticalization theory, into the argumentation, the approach taken here differs from previous studies, which are limited to form-function comparison of individual markers. The historical development of negation in the Transeurasian languages is argued to involve a grammaticalization pathway whereby an independent negative verb developed into a preposed negative auxiliary and then, either transferred its inflection to the lexical verb to become an invariant preposed particle or, else, moved to a postposed position to become a suffix on the lexical verb. Taken together with the form-function correspondences of the negative markers, these correlations lead to the reconstruction of genealogically motivated cycles of grammaticalization in the Transeurasian family.
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On Diversity and Complexity of Languages Spoken in Europe and North and Central Asia -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of content -- List of contributors -- Preface -- Introduction -- I. Verbal categories and processes in categorization -- II. Syntactic functions and case marking -- III. Clause combining and discourse -- IV. Historical issues -- References -- The tense-aspect system of Khorchin -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Preliminaries -- 3. Data collection and research methdology -- 4. Structure of the Khorchin TA system -- 5. Markers of the Khorchin TA system -- 5.1 Central system -- 5.1.1 The Non-Past Non-Progressive -na -- 5.1.2 The Past Non-Imperfective -zE -- 5.1.3 Present Progressive and Past Imperfective -- 5.1.4 Prospectives -- 5.1.5 Markers of resultativity, iterativity and continuativity -- 5.2 Minor simple forms and their combinability -- 5.2.1 -sen -- 5.2.2 -lE -- 5.2.3 -i -- 5.3 Non-verbal predications -- 5.4 Non-temporal and non-aspectual notions -- 5.4.1 -tqeg- as a marker of dissatisfaction -- 5.4.2 gene and other means related to evidentiality -- 5.4.3 Long vs. short suffix variants -- 6. Areal and diachronic factors: A preliminary evaluation -- References -- Locational and directional relations and tense and aspect marking in Chalkan, a South Siberian Turkic language -- 1. Introduction: Locational and directional relations and tense and aspect marking in Chalkan, a South Siberian Turkic language -- 2. Morphological structure of South Siberian Turkic -- 3. An outline of biverbal constructions and their grammaticalization paths in South Siberian Turkic -- 3.1 Biverbal constructions -- 3.2 Aktionsart -- 3.3 Aspect-temporal forms -- 3.4 Forms of modality and mood -- 3.5 Combinations of various biverbal constructions -- 4. From an actional form to an aspect-temporal one -- 5. Chalkans and their language.

6. Chalkan tense and aspect forms - synthesized biverbal constructions -- 6.1 Present tense form -(p)t'(їt) -- 6.2 "Present-Future" form -At -- 6.3 Habitual form -y/A+tAn ~ -y/X+tXn < -y/A tur-ġan -- 6.4 Imperfect form ‑(p)trAn ~ -(p)tAn ~ -(p)tXn -- 6.5 The imperfect participle form -(p)ten -- 6.6 Contamination of the habitual and imperfect forms -- 6.7 The Indirective form -(p)tXr < V-(X)p turur -- 6.8 The Indirective form -(p)t'er < V-(X)p t'at-(X)p turur -- 7. Conclusions and discussion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Internet sources -- Conspiring motivations for causative and passive isomorphism -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Background -- 3. Morphological causatives and passives in Xibe -- 4. Functional explanation -- 4.1 Condition 1: 'Give' as a matrix verb functioning as an analytic causative -- 4.2 Condition 2: Matrix verbs become auxiliaries, and/or derivational suffixes -- 4.3 Condition 3: Subjects and accusative case markers are often omitted -- 4.4 The path to causative/passive isomorphism -- 5. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Appendix - the corpus -- Spatial semantics, case and relator nouns in Evenki -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Overview of the cases -- 3. The semantics of space -- 3.1 The spatial cases -- 3.2 Spatial deixis -- 3.3 Spatial relations and relator nouns -- 4. Conclusion: Spatial relations and grammaticalization -- Abbreviations -- References -- A survey of alignment features in the Greater Hindukush with special references to Indo-Aryan -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Greater Hindukush -- 3. Alignment features -- 4. Typological variation -- 4.1 Accusative alignment (Khowar, Kalasha) -- 4.2 Nominal ergativity with verbal accusativity (Gilgiti, Kohistani Shina) -- 4.3 Nominal tripartite alignment with verbal accusativity (Gawarbati, Dameli) -- 4.4 Nominal tripartite alignment with verbal ergativity (Palula, Gawri).

4.5 Nominal ergativity with "simultaneous" A and P agreement (Kashmiri) -- 4.6 Nominal tripartite alignment with "simultaneous" A and P agreement (Pashai) -- 4.7 Summary of findings -- 5. Alignment changes and the mechanisms behind -- 5.1 Markedness reduction and universal tendencies -- 5.2 Areal pressures -- 5.2.1 North-eastern agenthood -- 5.2.2 Western patienthood -- 5.2.3 Southern P-agreement -- 6. Conclusion -- 7. Directions for further research -- Abbreviations -- References -- Between predicative and attributive possession in Bashkir -- 1. Setting the stage -- 2. Language, data and method -- 3. Types of uses -- 4. Constituency-related properties -- 4.1 Separability -- 4.2 Personal pronouns and proper names as possessees -- 4.3 Interrogative and negative pronouns as possessees -- 4.4 Relativization: Possessor remaining within the relative clause -- 4.5 Pronominal possessors: Presence of a free pronoun -- 4.6 Ellipsis of the possessee -- 5. Generalizations and discussion -- 6. On the nature of external-possessor constructions: A speculation -- Abbreviations -- References -- Areal features of copula sentences in Karaim as spoken in Lithuania -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The inventory of the Karaim copulas -- 3. Types of copula sentences -- 4. Zero copula vs. overt copula in predicational sentences -- 5. Nominative vs. instrumental nominal predicates -- 6. Existential copula sentences -- 7. Possessive existential sentences -- 8. Specificational copula sentences -- 9. The Karaim copy of bywać and бывать 'to be often' -- 10. Resultatives -- 11. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Non-past copular markers in Turkish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morpho-syntactic and structural characteristics of non-past copular markers -- 2.1 Simple subject markers of pronominal type -- 2.2 The enclitic '-DIr' -- 2.3 Copular verbs based on non-past forms.

3. Semantic, clausal and discursive properties of non-past copular markers -- 3.1 Simple subject markers of pronominal type -- 3.1.1 Semantic and clausal properties -- 3.1.1 Discursive uses -- 3.2 The enclitic '-DIr' -- 3.2.1 Semantic properties -- 3.2.2 Discursive uses -- 3.2.3 Clausal properties and distinctive means -- 3.3 The verbal copular marker 'olur' -- 3.3.1 'Olur' as a habitual or modal copular marker -- 3.3.2 'Olur' as a presentation marker -- 3.4 The verbal copular marker 'oluyor' -- 4. Summary -- Abbreviations -- References -- Sources for examples -- On the distribution of the contrastive-concessive discourse connectives ama 'but/yet' and fakat 'but' in written Turkish -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The data -- 1.2 Outline of the paper -- 2. Method of sense annotations on ama- and fakat-tokens in TDB -- 3. Ama and fakat: How are they similar and different? -- 3.1 Where do we find ama and fakat in the sentence? -- 3.2 Where in the discourse do ama and fakat find their first argument? -- 3.2.1 Attribution, fragments, vocatives and tag questions -- 3.2.2 Elaborations -- 3.2.3 Co-occurring connectives -- 4. What do ama and fakat convey? How are they distributed across genres? -- 5. Summary and conclusions -- Abbreviations -- References -- Appendix -- Anaphora in Ossetic correlatives and the typology of clause combining -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Correlatives and other subordinate clause types in Ossetic -- 2.1 Subordinators and correlates -- 2.2. The position of the subordinate clause -- 2.3 "Omission" of the correlate -- 2.4 Coordinating inversion -- 2.5 "Asyndetic" correlatives -- 2.6 Multiple correlatives -- 2.6.1 Restrictions on the use of subordinators -- 2.6.2 Restrictions on the correlate -- 2.6.3 Semantics -- 2.7 Embedded questions -- 2.8 Summary: Types of finite subordination in Ossetic -- 3. Non-total coreference in Ossetic correlatives.

3.1 Split antecedents -- 3.2 Bridging -- 4. The anaphoric analysis -- 5. Anaphoric correlatives and similar constructions beyond Ossetic -- 5.1 Iranian languages -- 5.2 Mande languages -- 5.3 Interrogatives as indefinites -- 6. Conclusions -- Abbreviations -- References -- Kinds of evidentiality in German complement clauses -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Hypothesis and Methodology -- 3. Speech acts and evidential functions of complex utterances -- 4. Channels of evidence acquisition -- 4.1 Evoked cognitive evidence -- 4.2 Sensory evidence -- 4.3 Reported evidence -- 4.4 Demonstrated evidence -- 4.5 Evidence and the direction of information flow -- 5. Evidentiality and grammar in complex utterances -- 5.1 Information and its source -- 5.2 Category of person and information mediating -- 5.3 Category of tense and evidential kinds -- 5.4 Connector and the evidential kind -- 6. Evidential viewpoints in the narration -- 7. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Cited sources -- Evidentiality in Dzungar Tuvan -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The goal of this article -- 1.2 The socio-linguistic situation of Dzungar Tuvan -- 1.3 Grammar theory and terminology of this article -- 1.4 The representation of evidentiality in Turkic languages -- 2. Evidentiality in the finite system -- 2.1 The finite verb forms and their use in the different text types -- 2.1.1 The relation between text type and speaker's perspective -- 2.2 The finite evidentiality markers -(I)pdur and irgin -- 2.2.1 Evidentiality marking in the synchronous report -- 2.2.2 Evidentiality marking in the deictic description -- 2.2.3 Evidentiality marking in the direct-perspective narrative -- 2.2.4 Evidentiality marking in the indirect-perspective narrative -- 2.2.5 Evidentiality marking in the epic narrative -- 2.2.6 Evidentiality marking in the prospective narrative.

3. Evidentiality in complement clauses.

In this article, the historical development of sentential negation is compared across the Japonic, Koreanic, Tungusic, Mongolic, and Turkic languages to make inferences about the expression of negation in the common Transeurasian proto-language. Integrating typological considerations, including grammaticalization theory, into the argumentation, the approach taken here differs from previous studies, which are limited to form-function comparison of individual markers. The historical development of negation in the Transeurasian languages is argued to involve a grammaticalization pathway whereby an independent negative verb developed into a preposed negative auxiliary and then, either transferred its inflection to the lexical verb to become an invariant preposed particle or, else, moved to a postposed position to become a suffix on the lexical verb. Taken together with the form-function correspondences of the negative markers, these correlations lead to the reconstruction of genealogically motivated cycles of grammaticalization in the Transeurasian family.

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